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Economic Relations Division (ERD)
Ministry of Finance
Government of the People's Republic of Bangladesh
Thursday 25 December 2008
Economic Relations Division
Economic Relations Division (ERD) is one of the three divisions of the Ministry of Finance, Government of the People's Republic of Bangladesh. The other two divisions of the Ministry of Finance are: 1. Finance Division (FD) and 2. Internal Resources Division (IRD). Dr. A. B. Mirza Md. Azizul lslam is the Hon'ble Adviser for the Ministry of Finance and Planning. Mr. M Musharraf Hossain Bhuiyan is the Secretary of ERD.
ERD is one of the important Divisions of the Government of Bangladesh which mobilizes external resources for socio-economic development of the country. ERD leads as the focal point of the Goverment for interfacing with the development partners as well as for co-ordination of all external assistance inflows into the country. It assesses the needs of external assistance, devises strategy for negotiations and mobilizing foreign assistance, formalize and enables aid mobilization through signing of loans and grant agreements, determines and executes external economic policy.
The interesting feature of the aid regime is that over the years, the character of the resource flow into the country has dramatically changed. The mode of foreign assistance has shifted its focus from food/commodity aid to project assistance. Foreign assistance today is basically intended for investment, which is very crucial for attaining economic development/growth and successful implementation of the MDG's. However, due to increase in demand for resources and changed outlook of the development partners, the share of grant has substantially decreased. Foreign aid has contributed immensely in the development of the socio economic sectors like education, health, agriculture, power and energy, infrastructure etc.
The main focus of ERD is to coordinate, plan, mobilize and determine allocation of external assistance in relation to the country's development programme priorities. ERD also maintains external economic relations with governments and international and regional bodies. As the Government's aid coordinating authority, ERD undertakes aid programming and budgeting, initiating, negotiating and signing agreements, and informing the development partners of the use of development assistance. Foreign debt management including repayment of principal and interest amounts due to different lenders constitutes an important part of ERD's work.
More detailed information on ERD’s function will be found in ERD Handbook in Publication section.
ERD is one of the important Divisions of the Government of Bangladesh which mobilizes external resources for socio-economic development of the country. ERD leads as the focal point of the Goverment for interfacing with the development partners as well as for co-ordination of all external assistance inflows into the country. It assesses the needs of external assistance, devises strategy for negotiations and mobilizing foreign assistance, formalize and enables aid mobilization through signing of loans and grant agreements, determines and executes external economic policy.
The interesting feature of the aid regime is that over the years, the character of the resource flow into the country has dramatically changed. The mode of foreign assistance has shifted its focus from food/commodity aid to project assistance. Foreign assistance today is basically intended for investment, which is very crucial for attaining economic development/growth and successful implementation of the MDG's. However, due to increase in demand for resources and changed outlook of the development partners, the share of grant has substantially decreased. Foreign aid has contributed immensely in the development of the socio economic sectors like education, health, agriculture, power and energy, infrastructure etc.
The main focus of ERD is to coordinate, plan, mobilize and determine allocation of external assistance in relation to the country's development programme priorities. ERD also maintains external economic relations with governments and international and regional bodies. As the Government's aid coordinating authority, ERD undertakes aid programming and budgeting, initiating, negotiating and signing agreements, and informing the development partners of the use of development assistance. Foreign debt management including repayment of principal and interest amounts due to different lenders constitutes an important part of ERD's work.
More detailed information on ERD’s function will be found in ERD Handbook in Publication section.
জেলাতে bangladesh
পঞ্চগড় ঠাকুরগাঁও দিনাজপুর নীলফামারী লালমনিরহাট রংপুর কুড়িগ্রাম গাইবান্ধা
জয়পুরহাট বগুড়া নবাবগঞ্জ নওগাঁ রাজশাহী নাটোর সিরাজগঞ্জ পাবনা
মেহেরপুর কুষ্টিয়া চুয়াডাংগা ঝিনাইদহ যশোহর মাগুরা নড়াইল বাগেরহাট
খুলনা সাতক্ষীরা বরগুনা পটুয়াখালী ভোলা বরিশাল ঝালকাঠি পিরোজপুর
টাঙ্গাইল জামালপুর শেরপুর ময়মনসিংহ নেত্রকোনা কিশোরগঞ্জ মানিকগঞ্জ মুন্সিগঞ্জ
ঢাকা গাজীপুর নরসিংদী নারায়নগঞ্জ রাজবাড়ী ফরিদপুর গোপালগঞ্জ মাদারীপুর
শরীয়তপুর সুনামগঞ্জ সিলেট মৌলভীবাজার হবিগঞ্জ ব্রাহ্মণবাড়িয়া কুমিল্লা চাঁদপুর
ফেনী নোয়াখালী লক্ষীপুর চট্টগ্রাম কক্সবাজার খাগড়াছড়ি রাংগামাটি বান্দরবন
জয়পুরহাট বগুড়া নবাবগঞ্জ নওগাঁ রাজশাহী নাটোর সিরাজগঞ্জ পাবনা
মেহেরপুর কুষ্টিয়া চুয়াডাংগা ঝিনাইদহ যশোহর মাগুরা নড়াইল বাগেরহাট
খুলনা সাতক্ষীরা বরগুনা পটুয়াখালী ভোলা বরিশাল ঝালকাঠি পিরোজপুর
টাঙ্গাইল জামালপুর শেরপুর ময়মনসিংহ নেত্রকোনা কিশোরগঞ্জ মানিকগঞ্জ মুন্সিগঞ্জ
ঢাকা গাজীপুর নরসিংদী নারায়নগঞ্জ রাজবাড়ী ফরিদপুর গোপালগঞ্জ মাদারীপুর
শরীয়তপুর সুনামগঞ্জ সিলেট মৌলভীবাজার হবিগঞ্জ ব্রাহ্মণবাড়িয়া কুমিল্লা চাঁদপুর
ফেনী নোয়াখালী লক্ষীপুর চট্টগ্রাম কক্সবাজার খাগড়াছড়ি রাংগামাটি বান্দরবন
যেসব জেলার ডাটা ওয়েবে দেওয়া হয়েছেজেলার নাম মহিলা ভোটার পুরুষ ভোটার মোট ভোটার
পরিসংখ্যান:
যেসব জেলার ডাটা ওয়েবে দেওয়া হয়েছেজেলার নাম মহিলা ভোটার পুরুষ ভোটার মোট ভোটার
ঢাকা ২০,৪৬,৩০৬ ২৭,৪৮,৯০৬ ৪৭,৯৫,২১২
যশোহর ৭,২৯,৪২১ ৭,৫৬,০৩৫ ১৪৮৫৪৫৬
বগুড়া ৯,৪৪,৫৯৭ ৯,৫৫,০৪৩ ১৮,৯৯,৬৪০
খুলনা ৬,২৯,৮১৫ ৬,৭৩,৫৩৭ ১৩,০৩,৩৫২
জামালপুর ৬,৭৫,১৮৫ ৬,৯৮,৭৪৩ ১৩,৭৩,৯২৮
শেরপুর ৩,৯১,৫৯৩ ৪,০৬,০৭৭ ৭,৯৭,৬৭০
গোপালগঞ্জ ৩,৩৮,৫০১ ৩,৪৯,৮০৪ ৬,৮৮,৩০৫
ফরিদপুর ৫,৩০,৪৮৯ ৫,৪৬,৫০১ ১০,৭৬,৯৯০
ভোলা ৪,৯৭,০৬১ ৫,৬৪,৩১৫ ১০,৬১,৩৭৬
রাজশাহী ৬,৬৮,১৪২ ৬,৭০,০৯৫ ১৩,৩৮,২৩৭
পটুয়াখালী ৫,৬০,১৬৯ ৫,২৯,৬১০ ১০,৮৯,৭৭৯
মৌলভীবাজার ৪,৫৭,৭৫৭ ৪,৫০,৯৩৭ ৯,০৮,৬৯৪
নবাবগঞ্জ ৩,৯৩,৩৩৩ ৩,৮৭,১৮৯ ৭,৮০,৫২২
নারায়নগঞ্জ ৬,১৪,৬১৯ ৬,৯৯,১৯০ ১৩,১৩,৮০৯
সাতক্ষীরা ৫,৩৪,৫৫৬ ৫,৩১,৯১৪ ১০,৬৬,৪৭০
বরগুণা ২,৫৪,০৬৪ ২,৭৭,৩১৭ ৫,৩১,৩৮১
ব্রাহ্মণবাড়ীয়া ৮,০৩,১১৭ ৯,৪১,২৬৭ ১৭,৪৪,৩৮৪
ঝালকাঠি ১,৯৬,৯৪৩ ২,০৪,২২০ ৪,০১,১৬৩
বাগেরহাট ৪,২৯,৯০৯ ৪,৬৩,৩০৭ ৮,৯৩,২১৬
লালমনিরহাট ৩,২২,৩৩৭ ২,৫২,৩৫৯ ৫,৭৪,৬৯৬
কুড়িগ্রাম ৫,৫৫,৯৯৬ ৫,৫৭,৮৬৮ ১১,১৩,৮৬৪
পাবনা ৬,৬৮,৮০৬ ৭,২১,৫৩৫ ১৩,৯০,৩৪১
চাঁদপুর ৬,৭১,৬৬৩ ৭,৩২,৪১৪ ১৪,০৪,০৭৭
লক্ষীপুর ৪,২৬,২২৪ ৪,৬৪,২৯৬ ৮,৯০,৫২০
ময়মনসিংহ ১৬,৯০,৫৩৪ ১৬,৯৩,৪০১ ৩৩,৮৩,৯৩৫
মাগুরা ২,৪৫,৯৪১ ২,৫১,৮২৫ ৪,৯৭,৭৬৬
নরসিংদী ৫,৫২,২৩১ ৫,৬৭,৭৯৫ ১১,২০,০২৬
বরিশাল ৬,৮৭,৪৭৭ ৭,৩৭,৮৫৫ ১৪,২৫,৩৩২
ফেনী ৩,৪৭,০০৩ ৩,৪০,৪৯৬ ৬,৮৭,৪৯৯
মাদারীপুর ৩,৫৮,৭৬৬ ৩,৮০,০৮৫ ৭,৩৮,৮৫১
নড়াইল ২,১৫,৬২২ ২,১৮,৪৭২ ৪,৩৪,০৯৪
কুষ্টিয়া ৫,৩২,৭৪৩ ৫,৫০,৭৯৬ ১০,৮৩,৫৩৯
মুন্সিগঞ্জ ৪,১৬,৫৮৭ ৪,৩২,৩০৭ ৮,৪৮,৮৯৪
নাটোর ৪,৫৬,৯৭৩ ৪,৬৪,৫০৫ ৯,২১,৪৭৮
নওগাঁ ৭,১৯,৫৭৭ ৭,১৬,২৮৪ ১৪,৩৫,৮৬১
নীলফামারী ৪,৪৪,১৫০ ৪,৫৯,৫৬৬ ৯,০৩,৭১৬
পঞ্চগড় ২,২৫,৯৭৭ ২,২৮,৩৫৮ ৪,৫৪,৩৩৫
পিরোজপুর ৩,৩৬,০১৫ ৩,৫০,২৬৪ ৬,৮৬,২৭৯
সুনামগঞ্জ ৫,৮৭,১৭৬ ৬,০০,৬৮২ ১১,৮৭,৮৫৮
সিলেট ৩,৫৫,২৭৩ ৩,৫২,০২৯ ৭,০৭,৩০২
কুমিল্লা ১৩,৭৬,৯৭৮ ১৪,৩১,০৭০ ২৮,০৮,০৪৮
ঝিনাইদহ ৪,৭৮,৬৯১ ৪,৯৬,৪৪৯ ৯,৭৫,১৪০
মানিকগঞ্জ ৪,২১,১৬৩ ৪,২২,৯৬৩ ৮,৪৪,১২৬
সিরাজগঞ্জ ৮,৭৮,৮৬০ ৯,৪৭,৩৫০ ১৮,২৬,২১০
ঠাকুরগাঁও ৩,৩১,১৩৩ ৩,৪৩,০৩২ ৬,৭৪,১৬৫
গাইবান্ধা ৬,৭৬,৪৩৪ ৬,৮০,৫২৩ ১৩,৫৬,৯৫৭
চুয়াডাঙ্গা ২,৯৮,৭৪৭ ৩,০৪,৩২৭ ৬,০৩,০৭৪
দিনাজপুর ৭,৬৪,৬৪০ ৭,৮৮,৫৮৯ ১৫,৫৩,২২৯
গাজীপুর ৬,১০,৪২৭ ৬,৭৭,৩৮৫ ১২,৮৭,৮১২
জয়পুরহাট ২,৫৯,৪৩৬ ২,৬২,২৬১ ৫,২১,৬৯৭
খাগড়াছড়ি ১,৫৬,৮৮৮ ১,৬৯,৪৭৪ ৩,২৬,৩৬২
মেহেরপুর ১,৮৭,৪৯৩ ১,৯০,০৯৬ ৩,৭৭,৫৮৯
বান্দরবান ১,০৭,৩৩২ ১,১৪,৬৬৬ ২,২১,৯৯৮
হবিগঞ্জ ৫,১৭,৬২৪ ৫,১৪,৯৫৫ ১০,৩২,৫৭৯
রাজবাড়ী ২,৮২,০৬৭ ২,৯৭,৪০২ ৫,৭৯,৪৬৯
রাঙ্গামাটি ১,৪০,৯৭৩ ১,৬৭,২৯৭ ৩,০৮,২৭০
রংপুর ৭,৫৭,৯২৬ ৭,৮৯,৫০৭ ১৫,৪৭,৪৩৩
চট্ট্রগ্রাম ১৭,৫৯,৫৫৮ ২০,১০,৬৯৯ ৩৭,৭০,২৫৭
শরীয়তপুর ৩,৫৫,৪৮০ ৩,৬৯,৫২৯ ৭,২৫,০০৯
টাঙ্গাইল ১০,৪৪,১১০ ১০,৬৭,৬৫৭ ২১,১১,৭৬৭
কিশোরগঞ্জ ৭,৬২,৬১৯ ৭,৯৮,৪৬৩ ১৫,৬১,০৮২
নেত্রকোনা ৫,৮৫,০৪৬ ৬,১৬,৩৯৭ ১২,০১,৪৪৩
কক্সবাজার ৪,৭৪,৭৭৫ ৫,০০,০৬৪ ৯,৭৪,৮৩৯
নোয়াখালী ৭,১৫,১৭৪ ৭,৫৬,৭৬৯ ১৪,৭১,৯৪৩
সর্বমোট ৩,৬৪,৫৬,২২২ ৩,৮৬,৪৪,১২৩ ৭,৫১,০০,৩৪৫
নির্বাচন কমিশন কর্তৃক প্রণীত ৬৪ জেলার ভোটার সার-সংক্ষেপ
যেসব জেলার ডাটা ওয়েবে দেওয়া হয়েছেজেলার নাম মহিলা ভোটার পুরুষ ভোটার মোট ভোটার
ঢাকা ২০,৪৬,৩০৬ ২৭,৪৮,৯০৬ ৪৭,৯৫,২১২
যশোহর ৭,২৯,৪২১ ৭,৫৬,০৩৫ ১৪৮৫৪৫৬
বগুড়া ৯,৪৪,৫৯৭ ৯,৫৫,০৪৩ ১৮,৯৯,৬৪০
খুলনা ৬,২৯,৮১৫ ৬,৭৩,৫৩৭ ১৩,০৩,৩৫২
জামালপুর ৬,৭৫,১৮৫ ৬,৯৮,৭৪৩ ১৩,৭৩,৯২৮
শেরপুর ৩,৯১,৫৯৩ ৪,০৬,০৭৭ ৭,৯৭,৬৭০
গোপালগঞ্জ ৩,৩৮,৫০১ ৩,৪৯,৮০৪ ৬,৮৮,৩০৫
ফরিদপুর ৫,৩০,৪৮৯ ৫,৪৬,৫০১ ১০,৭৬,৯৯০
ভোলা ৪,৯৭,০৬১ ৫,৬৪,৩১৫ ১০,৬১,৩৭৬
রাজশাহী ৬,৬৮,১৪২ ৬,৭০,০৯৫ ১৩,৩৮,২৩৭
পটুয়াখালী ৫,৬০,১৬৯ ৫,২৯,৬১০ ১০,৮৯,৭৭৯
মৌলভীবাজার ৪,৫৭,৭৫৭ ৪,৫০,৯৩৭ ৯,০৮,৬৯৪
নবাবগঞ্জ ৩,৯৩,৩৩৩ ৩,৮৭,১৮৯ ৭,৮০,৫২২
নারায়নগঞ্জ ৬,১৪,৬১৯ ৬,৯৯,১৯০ ১৩,১৩,৮০৯
সাতক্ষীরা ৫,৩৪,৫৫৬ ৫,৩১,৯১৪ ১০,৬৬,৪৭০
বরগুণা ২,৫৪,০৬৪ ২,৭৭,৩১৭ ৫,৩১,৩৮১
ব্রাহ্মণবাড়ীয়া ৮,০৩,১১৭ ৯,৪১,২৬৭ ১৭,৪৪,৩৮৪
ঝালকাঠি ১,৯৬,৯৪৩ ২,০৪,২২০ ৪,০১,১৬৩
বাগেরহাট ৪,২৯,৯০৯ ৪,৬৩,৩০৭ ৮,৯৩,২১৬
লালমনিরহাট ৩,২২,৩৩৭ ২,৫২,৩৫৯ ৫,৭৪,৬৯৬
কুড়িগ্রাম ৫,৫৫,৯৯৬ ৫,৫৭,৮৬৮ ১১,১৩,৮৬৪
পাবনা ৬,৬৮,৮০৬ ৭,২১,৫৩৫ ১৩,৯০,৩৪১
চাঁদপুর ৬,৭১,৬৬৩ ৭,৩২,৪১৪ ১৪,০৪,০৭৭
লক্ষীপুর ৪,২৬,২২৪ ৪,৬৪,২৯৬ ৮,৯০,৫২০
ময়মনসিংহ ১৬,৯০,৫৩৪ ১৬,৯৩,৪০১ ৩৩,৮৩,৯৩৫
মাগুরা ২,৪৫,৯৪১ ২,৫১,৮২৫ ৪,৯৭,৭৬৬
নরসিংদী ৫,৫২,২৩১ ৫,৬৭,৭৯৫ ১১,২০,০২৬
বরিশাল ৬,৮৭,৪৭৭ ৭,৩৭,৮৫৫ ১৪,২৫,৩৩২
ফেনী ৩,৪৭,০০৩ ৩,৪০,৪৯৬ ৬,৮৭,৪৯৯
মাদারীপুর ৩,৫৮,৭৬৬ ৩,৮০,০৮৫ ৭,৩৮,৮৫১
নড়াইল ২,১৫,৬২২ ২,১৮,৪৭২ ৪,৩৪,০৯৪
কুষ্টিয়া ৫,৩২,৭৪৩ ৫,৫০,৭৯৬ ১০,৮৩,৫৩৯
মুন্সিগঞ্জ ৪,১৬,৫৮৭ ৪,৩২,৩০৭ ৮,৪৮,৮৯৪
নাটোর ৪,৫৬,৯৭৩ ৪,৬৪,৫০৫ ৯,২১,৪৭৮
নওগাঁ ৭,১৯,৫৭৭ ৭,১৬,২৮৪ ১৪,৩৫,৮৬১
নীলফামারী ৪,৪৪,১৫০ ৪,৫৯,৫৬৬ ৯,০৩,৭১৬
পঞ্চগড় ২,২৫,৯৭৭ ২,২৮,৩৫৮ ৪,৫৪,৩৩৫
পিরোজপুর ৩,৩৬,০১৫ ৩,৫০,২৬৪ ৬,৮৬,২৭৯
সুনামগঞ্জ ৫,৮৭,১৭৬ ৬,০০,৬৮২ ১১,৮৭,৮৫৮
সিলেট ৩,৫৫,২৭৩ ৩,৫২,০২৯ ৭,০৭,৩০২
কুমিল্লা ১৩,৭৬,৯৭৮ ১৪,৩১,০৭০ ২৮,০৮,০৪৮
ঝিনাইদহ ৪,৭৮,৬৯১ ৪,৯৬,৪৪৯ ৯,৭৫,১৪০
মানিকগঞ্জ ৪,২১,১৬৩ ৪,২২,৯৬৩ ৮,৪৪,১২৬
সিরাজগঞ্জ ৮,৭৮,৮৬০ ৯,৪৭,৩৫০ ১৮,২৬,২১০
ঠাকুরগাঁও ৩,৩১,১৩৩ ৩,৪৩,০৩২ ৬,৭৪,১৬৫
গাইবান্ধা ৬,৭৬,৪৩৪ ৬,৮০,৫২৩ ১৩,৫৬,৯৫৭
চুয়াডাঙ্গা ২,৯৮,৭৪৭ ৩,০৪,৩২৭ ৬,০৩,০৭৪
দিনাজপুর ৭,৬৪,৬৪০ ৭,৮৮,৫৮৯ ১৫,৫৩,২২৯
গাজীপুর ৬,১০,৪২৭ ৬,৭৭,৩৮৫ ১২,৮৭,৮১২
জয়পুরহাট ২,৫৯,৪৩৬ ২,৬২,২৬১ ৫,২১,৬৯৭
খাগড়াছড়ি ১,৫৬,৮৮৮ ১,৬৯,৪৭৪ ৩,২৬,৩৬২
মেহেরপুর ১,৮৭,৪৯৩ ১,৯০,০৯৬ ৩,৭৭,৫৮৯
বান্দরবান ১,০৭,৩৩২ ১,১৪,৬৬৬ ২,২১,৯৯৮
হবিগঞ্জ ৫,১৭,৬২৪ ৫,১৪,৯৫৫ ১০,৩২,৫৭৯
রাজবাড়ী ২,৮২,০৬৭ ২,৯৭,৪০২ ৫,৭৯,৪৬৯
রাঙ্গামাটি ১,৪০,৯৭৩ ১,৬৭,২৯৭ ৩,০৮,২৭০
রংপুর ৭,৫৭,৯২৬ ৭,৮৯,৫০৭ ১৫,৪৭,৪৩৩
চট্ট্রগ্রাম ১৭,৫৯,৫৫৮ ২০,১০,৬৯৯ ৩৭,৭০,২৫৭
শরীয়তপুর ৩,৫৫,৪৮০ ৩,৬৯,৫২৯ ৭,২৫,০০৯
টাঙ্গাইল ১০,৪৪,১১০ ১০,৬৭,৬৫৭ ২১,১১,৭৬৭
কিশোরগঞ্জ ৭,৬২,৬১৯ ৭,৯৮,৪৬৩ ১৫,৬১,০৮২
নেত্রকোনা ৫,৮৫,০৪৬ ৬,১৬,৩৯৭ ১২,০১,৪৪৩
কক্সবাজার ৪,৭৪,৭৭৫ ৫,০০,০৬৪ ৯,৭৪,৮৩৯
নোয়াখালী ৭,১৫,১৭৪ ৭,৫৬,৭৬৯ ১৪,৭১,৯৪৩
সর্বমোট ৩,৬৪,৫৬,২২২ ৩,৮৬,৪৪,১২৩ ৭,৫১,০০,৩৪৫
নির্বাচন কমিশন কর্তৃক প্রণীত ৬৪ জেলার ভোটার সার-সংক্ষেপ
চট্টগ্রাম বিভাগ
রাজশাহী / খুলনা / ঢাকা / সিলেট / বরিশাল / চট্টগ্রাম
চট্টগ্রাম বিভাগ
১. ব্রাহ্মণবাড়িয়া (৬টি আসন)
২৪৩ ব্রাহ্মণবাড়িয়া-১
২৪৪ ব্রাহ্মণবাড়িয়া-২
২৪৫ ব্রাহ্মণবাড়িয়া-৩
২৪৬ ব্রাহ্মণবাড়িয়া-৪
২৪৭ ব্রাহ্মণবাড়িয়া-৫
২৪৮ ব্রাহ্মণবাড়িয়া-৬
২. কুমিল্লা (১১টি আসন)
২৪৯ কুমিল্লা-০১ ৪৫২ কিলোবাইট
২৫০ কুমিল্লা-০২ ৩২৬ কিলোবাইট
২৫১ কুমিল্লা-০৩ ৪০৩ কিলোবাইট
২৫২ কুমিল্লা-০৪ ৩৪৮ কিলোবাইট
২৫৩ কুমিল্লা-০৫
২৫৪ কুমিল্লা-০৬
২৫৫ কুমিল্লা-০৭
২৫৬ কুমিল্লা-০৮
২৫৭ কুমিল্লা-০৯
২৫৮ কুমিল্লা-১০
২৫৯ কুমিল্লা-১১
৩. চাঁদপুর (৫টি আসন)
২৬০ চাঁদপুর-১
২৬১ চাঁদপুর-২
২৬২ চাঁদপুর-৩
২৬৩ চাঁদপুর-৪
২৬৪ চাঁদপুর-৫
৪. ফেনী (৩টি আসন)
২৬৫ ফেনী-১
২৬৬ ফেনী-২
২৬৭ ফেনী-৩
৫. নোয়াখালী (৬টি আসন)
২৬৮ নোয়াখালী-১
২৬৯ নোয়াখালী-২
২৭০ নোয়াখালী-৩
২৭১ নোয়াখালী-৪
২৭২ নোয়াখালী-৫
২৭৩ নোয়াখালী-৬
৬. লক্ষীপুর (৪টি আসন)
২৭৪ লক্ষীপুর-১
২৭৫ লক্ষীপুর-২
২৭৬ লক্ষীপুর-৩
২৭৭ লক্ষীপুর-৪
৭. চট্টগ্রাম (১৬টি আসন)
২৭৮ চট্টগ্রাম-১ ৩১১ কিলোবাইট
২৭৯ চট্টগ্রাম-২ ২১৬ কিলোবাইট
২৮০ চট্টগ্রাম-৩ ২৫৩ কিলোবাইট
২৮১ চট্টগ্রাম-৪
২৮২ চট্টগ্রাম-৫ ১৭২ কিলোবাইট
২৮৩ চট্টগ্রাম-৬
২৮৪ চট্টগ্রাম-৭
২৮৫ চট্টগ্রাম-৮ ৩৪৭ কিলোবাইট
২৮৬ চট্টগ্রাম-৯
২৮৭ চট্টগ্রাম-১০
২৮৮ চট্টগ্রাম-১১ ৩১৫ কিলোবাইট
২৮৯ চট্টগ্রাম-১২
২৯০ চট্টগ্রাম-১৩
২৯১ চট্টগ্রাম-১৪
২৯২ চট্টগ্রাম-১৫ ২৭৩ কিলোবাইট
২৯৩ চট্টগ্রাম-১৬ ২৭৫ কিলোবাইট
৮. কক্সবাজার (৪টি আসন)
২৯৪ কক্সবাজার-১ ২৫৬ কিলোবাইট
২৯৫ কক্সবাজার-২
২৯৬ কক্সবাজার-৩
২৯৭ কক্সবাজার-৪
৯. খাগড়াছড়ি ২৯৮
১০. রাঙ্গামাটি ২৯৯
১১. বান্দরবান ৩০০
চট্টগ্রাম বিভাগ
১. ব্রাহ্মণবাড়িয়া (৬টি আসন)
২৪৩ ব্রাহ্মণবাড়িয়া-১
২৪৪ ব্রাহ্মণবাড়িয়া-২
২৪৫ ব্রাহ্মণবাড়িয়া-৩
২৪৬ ব্রাহ্মণবাড়িয়া-৪
২৪৭ ব্রাহ্মণবাড়িয়া-৫
২৪৮ ব্রাহ্মণবাড়িয়া-৬
২. কুমিল্লা (১১টি আসন)
২৪৯ কুমিল্লা-০১ ৪৫২ কিলোবাইট
২৫০ কুমিল্লা-০২ ৩২৬ কিলোবাইট
২৫১ কুমিল্লা-০৩ ৪০৩ কিলোবাইট
২৫২ কুমিল্লা-০৪ ৩৪৮ কিলোবাইট
২৫৩ কুমিল্লা-০৫
২৫৪ কুমিল্লা-০৬
২৫৫ কুমিল্লা-০৭
২৫৬ কুমিল্লা-০৮
২৫৭ কুমিল্লা-০৯
২৫৮ কুমিল্লা-১০
২৫৯ কুমিল্লা-১১
৩. চাঁদপুর (৫টি আসন)
২৬০ চাঁদপুর-১
২৬১ চাঁদপুর-২
২৬২ চাঁদপুর-৩
২৬৩ চাঁদপুর-৪
২৬৪ চাঁদপুর-৫
৪. ফেনী (৩টি আসন)
২৬৫ ফেনী-১
২৬৬ ফেনী-২
২৬৭ ফেনী-৩
৫. নোয়াখালী (৬টি আসন)
২৬৮ নোয়াখালী-১
২৬৯ নোয়াখালী-২
২৭০ নোয়াখালী-৩
২৭১ নোয়াখালী-৪
২৭২ নোয়াখালী-৫
২৭৩ নোয়াখালী-৬
৬. লক্ষীপুর (৪টি আসন)
২৭৪ লক্ষীপুর-১
২৭৫ লক্ষীপুর-২
২৭৬ লক্ষীপুর-৩
২৭৭ লক্ষীপুর-৪
৭. চট্টগ্রাম (১৬টি আসন)
২৭৮ চট্টগ্রাম-১ ৩১১ কিলোবাইট
২৭৯ চট্টগ্রাম-২ ২১৬ কিলোবাইট
২৮০ চট্টগ্রাম-৩ ২৫৩ কিলোবাইট
২৮১ চট্টগ্রাম-৪
২৮২ চট্টগ্রাম-৫ ১৭২ কিলোবাইট
২৮৩ চট্টগ্রাম-৬
২৮৪ চট্টগ্রাম-৭
২৮৫ চট্টগ্রাম-৮ ৩৪৭ কিলোবাইট
২৮৬ চট্টগ্রাম-৯
২৮৭ চট্টগ্রাম-১০
২৮৮ চট্টগ্রাম-১১ ৩১৫ কিলোবাইট
২৮৯ চট্টগ্রাম-১২
২৯০ চট্টগ্রাম-১৩
২৯১ চট্টগ্রাম-১৪
২৯২ চট্টগ্রাম-১৫ ২৭৩ কিলোবাইট
২৯৩ চট্টগ্রাম-১৬ ২৭৫ কিলোবাইট
৮. কক্সবাজার (৪টি আসন)
২৯৪ কক্সবাজার-১ ২৫৬ কিলোবাইট
২৯৫ কক্সবাজার-২
২৯৬ কক্সবাজার-৩
২৯৭ কক্সবাজার-৪
৯. খাগড়াছড়ি ২৯৮
১০. রাঙ্গামাটি ২৯৯
১১. বান্দরবান ৩০০
বরিশাল বিভাগ
সংসদ সদস্য পদপ্রার্থীদের তুলনামূলক চিত্র (নির্বাচন-২০০৮)
রাজশাহী / খুলনা / ঢাকা / সিলেট / বরিশাল / চট্টগ্রাম
বরিশাল বিভাগ
১. বরগুনা জেলা (২টি আসন)
১০৯ বরগুনা-১
১১০ বরগুনা-২
২. পটুয়াখালী (৪টি আসন)
১১১ পটুয়াখালী-১
১১২ পটুয়াখালী-২
১১৩ পটুয়াখালী-৩
১১৪ পটুয়াখালী-৪
৩. ভোলা (৪টি আসন)
১১৫ ভোলা-১
১১৬ ভোলা-২
১১৭ ভোলা-৩
১১৮ ভোলা-৪
৪. বরিশাল (৬টি আসন)
১১৯ বরিশাল-১
১২০ বরিশাল-২
১২১ বরিশাল-৩
১২২ বরিশাল-৪
১২৩ বরিশাল-৫
১২৪ বরিশাল-৬
৫. ঝালকাঠি (২টি আসন)
১২৫ ঝালকাঠি-১
১২৬ ঝালকাঠি-২
৬. পিরোজপুর (৩টি আসন)
১২৭ পিরোজপুর-১
১২৮ পিরোজপুর-২
১২৯ পিরোজপুর-৩
রাজশাহী / খুলনা / ঢাকা / সিলেট / বরিশাল / চট্টগ্রাম
বরিশাল বিভাগ
১. বরগুনা জেলা (২টি আসন)
১০৯ বরগুনা-১
১১০ বরগুনা-২
২. পটুয়াখালী (৪টি আসন)
১১১ পটুয়াখালী-১
১১২ পটুয়াখালী-২
১১৩ পটুয়াখালী-৩
১১৪ পটুয়াখালী-৪
৩. ভোলা (৪টি আসন)
১১৫ ভোলা-১
১১৬ ভোলা-২
১১৭ ভোলা-৩
১১৮ ভোলা-৪
৪. বরিশাল (৬টি আসন)
১১৯ বরিশাল-১
১২০ বরিশাল-২
১২১ বরিশাল-৩
১২২ বরিশাল-৪
১২৩ বরিশাল-৫
১২৪ বরিশাল-৬
৫. ঝালকাঠি (২টি আসন)
১২৫ ঝালকাঠি-১
১২৬ ঝালকাঠি-২
৬. পিরোজপুর (৩টি আসন)
১২৭ পিরোজপুর-১
১২৮ পিরোজপুর-২
১২৯ পিরোজপুর-৩
সিলেট বিভাগ
রাজশাহী / খুলনা / ঢাকা / সিলেট / বরিশাল / চট্টগ্রাম
সিলেট বিভাগ
১. সুনামগঞ্জ (৫টি আসন)
২২৪ সুনামগঞ্জ-১
২২৫ সুনামগঞ্জ-২ ২১৭ কিলোবাইট
২২৬ সুনামগঞ্জ-৩
২২৭ সুনামগঞ্জ-৪
২২৮ সুনামগঞ্জ-৫
২. সিলেট (৬টি আসন)
২২৯ সিলেট-১
২৩০ সিলেট-২ ৩৬৭ কিলোবাইট
২৩১ সিলেট-৩
২৩২ সিলেট-৪ ২১৬ কিলোবাইট
২৩৩ সিলেট-৫
২৩৪ সিলেট-৬
৩. মৌলভীবাজার (৪টি আসন)
২৩৫ মৌলভীবাজার-১ ১৬৬ কিলোবাইট
২৩৬ মৌলভীবাজার-২
২৩৭ মৌলভীবাজার-৩
২৩৮ মৌলভীবাজার-৪ ৩১৩ কিলোবাইট
৪. হবিগঞ্জ (৪টি আসন)
০১৬ হবিগঞ্জ-১ ২৯০ কিলোবাইট
০১৭ হবিগঞ্জ-২ ৪৩৩ কিলোবাইট
০১৮ হবিগঞ্জ-৩ ৩৫৭ কিলোবাইট
০১৯ হবিগঞ্জ-৪
সিলেট বিভাগ
১. সুনামগঞ্জ (৫টি আসন)
২২৪ সুনামগঞ্জ-১
২২৫ সুনামগঞ্জ-২ ২১৭ কিলোবাইট
২২৬ সুনামগঞ্জ-৩
২২৭ সুনামগঞ্জ-৪
২২৮ সুনামগঞ্জ-৫
২. সিলেট (৬টি আসন)
২২৯ সিলেট-১
২৩০ সিলেট-২ ৩৬৭ কিলোবাইট
২৩১ সিলেট-৩
২৩২ সিলেট-৪ ২১৬ কিলোবাইট
২৩৩ সিলেট-৫
২৩৪ সিলেট-৬
৩. মৌলভীবাজার (৪টি আসন)
২৩৫ মৌলভীবাজার-১ ১৬৬ কিলোবাইট
২৩৬ মৌলভীবাজার-২
২৩৭ মৌলভীবাজার-৩
২৩৮ মৌলভীবাজার-৪ ৩১৩ কিলোবাইট
৪. হবিগঞ্জ (৪টি আসন)
০১৬ হবিগঞ্জ-১ ২৯০ কিলোবাইট
০১৭ হবিগঞ্জ-২ ৪৩৩ কিলোবাইট
০১৮ হবিগঞ্জ-৩ ৩৫৭ কিলোবাইট
০১৯ হবিগঞ্জ-৪
ঢাকা বিভাগ সংসদ সদস্য পদপ্রার্থীদের তুলনামূলক চিত্র (নির্বাচন-২০০৮)
সংসদ সদস্য পদপ্রার্থীদের তুলনামূলক চিত্র (নির্বাচন-২০০৮)
রাজশাহী / খুলনা / ঢাকা / সিলেট / বরিশাল / চট্টগ্রাম
ঢাকা বিভাগ
১. টাঙ্গাইল জেলা (৮টি আসন)
১৩০ টাঙ্গাইল-১ কিলোবাইট
১৩১ টাঙ্গাইল-২ কিলোবাইট
১৩২ টাঙ্গাইল-৩ কিলোবাইট
১৩৩ টাঙ্গাইল-৪ কিলোবাইট
১৩৪ টাঙ্গাইল-৫ কিলোবাইট
১৩৫ টাঙ্গাইল-৬ কিলোবাইট
১৩৬ টাঙ্গাইল-৭ কিলোবাইট
১৩৭ টাঙ্গাইল-৮ কিলোবাইট
২. জামালপুর (৫টি আসন)
১৩৮ জামালপুর-১ কিলোবাইট
১৩৯ জামালপুর-২ কিলোবাইট
১৪০ জামালপুর-৩ কিলোবাইট
১৪১ জামালপুর-৪
১৪২ জামালপুর-৫
৩. শেরপুর (৩টি আসন)
১৪৩ শেরপুর-১
১৪৪ শেরপুর-২ কিলোবাইট
১৪৫ শেরপুর-৩ কিলোবাইট
৪. ময়মনসিংহ (৪টি আসন)
১৪৬ ময়মনসিংহ-১
১৪৭ ময়মনসিংহ-২ কিলোবাইট
১৪৮ ময়মনসিংহ-৩ কিলোবাইট
১৪৯ ময়মনসিংহ-৪
১৫০ ময়মনসিংহ-৫
১৫১ ময়মনসিংহ-৬
১৫২ ময়মনসিংহ-৭
১৫৩ ময়মনসিংহ-৮
১৫৪ ময়মনসিংহ-৯
১৫৫ ময়মনসিংহ-১০
১৫৬ ময়মনসিংহ-১১
৬. নেত্রকোনা (৫টি আসন)
১৫৭ নেত্রকোনা -১
১৫৮ নেত্রকোনা -২
১৫৯ নেত্রকোনা -৩
১৬০ নেত্রকোনা -৪
১৬১ নেত্রকোনা -৫
৭. কিশোরগঞ্জ (৬টি আসন)
১৬২ কিশোরগঞ্জ -১
১৬৩ কিশোরগঞ্জ -২
১৬৪ কিশোরগঞ্জ -৩
১৬৫ কিশোরগঞ্জ -৪
১৬৬ কিশোরগঞ্জ -৫
১৬৭ কিশোরগঞ্জ -৬
৮. মানিকগঞ্জ (৩টি আসন)
১৬৮ মানিকগঞ্জ -১ কিলোবাইট
১৬৯ মানিকগঞ্জ -২
১৭০ মানিকগঞ্জ -৩ কিলোবাইট
৯. মুন্সীগঞ্জ (৩টি আসন)
১৭১ জয়পুরহাট-১
১৭২ জয়পুরহাট-১ কিলোবাইট
১৭৩ জয়পুরহাট-২
১০. ঢাকা (২০টি আসন)
১৭৪ ঢাকা-১ কিলোবাইট
১৭৫ ঢাকা-২ কিলোবাইট
১৭৬ ঢাকা-৩ কিলোবাইট
১৭৭ ঢাকা-৪ কিলোবাইট
১৭৮ ঢাকা-৫ কিলোবাইট
১৭৯ ঢাকা-৬ কিলোবাইট
১৮০ ঢাকা-৭ কিলোবাইট
১৮১ ঢাকা-৮
১৮২ ঢাকা-৯
১৮৩ ঢাকা-১০
১৮৪ ঢাকা-১১
১৮৫ ঢাকা-১২
১৮৬ ঢাকা-১৩
১৮৭ ঢাকা-১৪
১৮৮ ঢাকা-১৫
১৮৯ ঢাকা-১৬
১৯০ ঢাকা-১৭
১৯১ ঢাকা-১৮
১৯২ ঢাকা-১৯
১৯৩ ঢাকা-২০
১১. গাজীপুর (৫টি আসন)
১৯৪ গাজীপুর-১ কিলোবাইট
১৯৫ গাজীপুর-২ কিলোবাইট
১৯৬ গাজীপুর-৩ কিলোবাইট
১৯৭ গাজীপুর-৪
১৯৮ গাজীপুর-৫
১২. নরসিংদী (৫টি আসন)
১৯৯ নরসিংদী-১ কিলোবাইট
২০০ নরসিংদী-২
২০১ নরসিংদী-৩
২০২ নরসিংদী-৪ কিলোবাইট
২০৩ নরসিংদী-৫ কিলোবাইট
১৩. নারায়নগঞ্জ (৫টি আসন)
২০৪ নারায়নগঞ্জ-১ কিলোবাইট
২০৫ নারায়নগঞ্জ-২ কিলোবাইট
২০৬ নারায়নগঞ্জ-৩ কিলোবাইট
২০৭ নারায়নগঞ্জ-৪ কিলোবাইট
২০৮ নারায়নগঞ্জ-৫ কিলোবাইট
১৪. রাজবাড়ী (২টি আসন)
২০৯ রাজবাড়ী-১
২১০ রাজবাড়ী-২
১৫. ফরিদপুর (৪টি আসন)
২১১ ফরিদপুর-১ কিলোবাইট
২১২ ফরিদপুর-২
২১৩ ফরিদপুর-৩ কিলোবাইট
২১৪ ফরিদপুর-৪ কিলোবাইট
১৬. গোপালগঞ্জ (৩টি আসন)
২১৫ গোপালগঞ্জ-১
২১৬ গোপালগঞ্জ-২
২১৭ গোপালগঞ্জ-৩
১৭. মাদারীপুর (৩টি আসন)
২১৮ মাদারীপুর-১
২১৯ মাদারীপুর-২
২২০ মাদারীপুর-৩
১৮. শরীয়তপুর (৩টি আসন)
২২১ শরীয়তপুর-১
২২২ শরীয়তপুর-২
২২৩ শরীয়তপুর-৩
রাজশাহী / খুলনা / ঢাকা / সিলেট / বরিশাল / চট্টগ্রাম
ঢাকা বিভাগ
১. টাঙ্গাইল জেলা (৮টি আসন)
১৩০ টাঙ্গাইল-১ কিলোবাইট
১৩১ টাঙ্গাইল-২ কিলোবাইট
১৩২ টাঙ্গাইল-৩ কিলোবাইট
১৩৩ টাঙ্গাইল-৪ কিলোবাইট
১৩৪ টাঙ্গাইল-৫ কিলোবাইট
১৩৫ টাঙ্গাইল-৬ কিলোবাইট
১৩৬ টাঙ্গাইল-৭ কিলোবাইট
১৩৭ টাঙ্গাইল-৮ কিলোবাইট
২. জামালপুর (৫টি আসন)
১৩৮ জামালপুর-১ কিলোবাইট
১৩৯ জামালপুর-২ কিলোবাইট
১৪০ জামালপুর-৩ কিলোবাইট
১৪১ জামালপুর-৪
১৪২ জামালপুর-৫
৩. শেরপুর (৩টি আসন)
১৪৩ শেরপুর-১
১৪৪ শেরপুর-২ কিলোবাইট
১৪৫ শেরপুর-৩ কিলোবাইট
৪. ময়মনসিংহ (৪টি আসন)
১৪৬ ময়মনসিংহ-১
১৪৭ ময়মনসিংহ-২ কিলোবাইট
১৪৮ ময়মনসিংহ-৩ কিলোবাইট
১৪৯ ময়মনসিংহ-৪
১৫০ ময়মনসিংহ-৫
১৫১ ময়মনসিংহ-৬
১৫২ ময়মনসিংহ-৭
১৫৩ ময়মনসিংহ-৮
১৫৪ ময়মনসিংহ-৯
১৫৫ ময়মনসিংহ-১০
১৫৬ ময়মনসিংহ-১১
৬. নেত্রকোনা (৫টি আসন)
১৫৭ নেত্রকোনা -১
১৫৮ নেত্রকোনা -২
১৫৯ নেত্রকোনা -৩
১৬০ নেত্রকোনা -৪
১৬১ নেত্রকোনা -৫
৭. কিশোরগঞ্জ (৬টি আসন)
১৬২ কিশোরগঞ্জ -১
১৬৩ কিশোরগঞ্জ -২
১৬৪ কিশোরগঞ্জ -৩
১৬৫ কিশোরগঞ্জ -৪
১৬৬ কিশোরগঞ্জ -৫
১৬৭ কিশোরগঞ্জ -৬
৮. মানিকগঞ্জ (৩টি আসন)
১৬৮ মানিকগঞ্জ -১ কিলোবাইট
১৬৯ মানিকগঞ্জ -২
১৭০ মানিকগঞ্জ -৩ কিলোবাইট
৯. মুন্সীগঞ্জ (৩টি আসন)
১৭১ জয়পুরহাট-১
১৭২ জয়পুরহাট-১ কিলোবাইট
১৭৩ জয়পুরহাট-২
১০. ঢাকা (২০টি আসন)
১৭৪ ঢাকা-১ কিলোবাইট
১৭৫ ঢাকা-২ কিলোবাইট
১৭৬ ঢাকা-৩ কিলোবাইট
১৭৭ ঢাকা-৪ কিলোবাইট
১৭৮ ঢাকা-৫ কিলোবাইট
১৭৯ ঢাকা-৬ কিলোবাইট
১৮০ ঢাকা-৭ কিলোবাইট
১৮১ ঢাকা-৮
১৮২ ঢাকা-৯
১৮৩ ঢাকা-১০
১৮৪ ঢাকা-১১
১৮৫ ঢাকা-১২
১৮৬ ঢাকা-১৩
১৮৭ ঢাকা-১৪
১৮৮ ঢাকা-১৫
১৮৯ ঢাকা-১৬
১৯০ ঢাকা-১৭
১৯১ ঢাকা-১৮
১৯২ ঢাকা-১৯
১৯৩ ঢাকা-২০
১১. গাজীপুর (৫টি আসন)
১৯৪ গাজীপুর-১ কিলোবাইট
১৯৫ গাজীপুর-২ কিলোবাইট
১৯৬ গাজীপুর-৩ কিলোবাইট
১৯৭ গাজীপুর-৪
১৯৮ গাজীপুর-৫
১২. নরসিংদী (৫টি আসন)
১৯৯ নরসিংদী-১ কিলোবাইট
২০০ নরসিংদী-২
২০১ নরসিংদী-৩
২০২ নরসিংদী-৪ কিলোবাইট
২০৩ নরসিংদী-৫ কিলোবাইট
১৩. নারায়নগঞ্জ (৫টি আসন)
২০৪ নারায়নগঞ্জ-১ কিলোবাইট
২০৫ নারায়নগঞ্জ-২ কিলোবাইট
২০৬ নারায়নগঞ্জ-৩ কিলোবাইট
২০৭ নারায়নগঞ্জ-৪ কিলোবাইট
২০৮ নারায়নগঞ্জ-৫ কিলোবাইট
১৪. রাজবাড়ী (২টি আসন)
২০৯ রাজবাড়ী-১
২১০ রাজবাড়ী-২
১৫. ফরিদপুর (৪টি আসন)
২১১ ফরিদপুর-১ কিলোবাইট
২১২ ফরিদপুর-২
২১৩ ফরিদপুর-৩ কিলোবাইট
২১৪ ফরিদপুর-৪ কিলোবাইট
১৬. গোপালগঞ্জ (৩টি আসন)
২১৫ গোপালগঞ্জ-১
২১৬ গোপালগঞ্জ-২
২১৭ গোপালগঞ্জ-৩
১৭. মাদারীপুর (৩টি আসন)
২১৮ মাদারীপুর-১
২১৯ মাদারীপুর-২
২২০ মাদারীপুর-৩
১৮. শরীয়তপুর (৩টি আসন)
২২১ শরীয়তপুর-১
২২২ শরীয়তপুর-২
২২৩ শরীয়তপুর-৩
খুলনা বিভাগ
খুলনা বিভাগ
১. মেহেরপুর (২টি আসন)
০৭৩ মেহেরপুর-১
০৭৪ মেহেরপুর-২
২. কুষ্টিয়া (৪টি আসন)
০৭৫ কুষ্টিয়া-১ ২৬৩ কিলোবাইট
০৭৬ কুষ্টিয়া-২
০৭৭ কুষ্টিয়া-৩
০৭৮ কুষ্টিয়া-৪ ২৮১ কিলোবাইট
৩. চুয়াডাঙ্গা (২টি আসন)
০৭৯ চুয়াডাঙ্গা-১
০৮০ চুয়াডাঙ্গা-২
৪. ঝিনাইদহ (৪টি আসন)
০৮১ ঝিনাইদহ-১
০৮২ ঝিনাইদহ-২
০৮৩ ঝিনাইদহ-৩
০৮৪ ঝিনাইদহ-৪
৫. যশোহর (৬টি আসন)
০৮৫ যশোহর-১
০৮৬ যশোহর-২
০৮৭ যশোহর-৩
০৮৮ যশোহর-৪
০৮৯ যশোহর-৫
০৯০ যশোহর-৬
৬. মাগুরা (২টি আসন)
০৯১ মাগুরা-১
০৯২ মাগুরা-২
৭. নড়াইল (২টি আসন)
০৯৩ নড়াইল-১
০৯৪ নড়াইল-২
৮. বাগেরহাট (৪টি আসন)
০৯৫ বাগেরহাট-১
০৯৬ বাগেরহাট-২
০৯৭ বাগেরহাট-৩
০৯৮ বাগেরহাট-৪
৯. খুলনা (৬টি আসন)
০৯৯ খুলনা-১
১০০ খুলনা-২
১০১ খুলনা-৩
১০২ খুলনা-৪
১০৩ খুলনা-৫
১০৪ খুলনা-৬
১০. সাতক্ষীরা (৪টি আসন)
১০৫ সাতক্ষীরা-১ ২৩৪ কিলোবাইট
১০৬ সাতক্ষীরা-২ ২৯৬ কিলোবাইট
১০৭ সাতক্ষীরা-৩ ২১২ কিলোবাইট
১০৮ সাতক্ষীরা-৪ ৩৫৩ কিলোবাইট
১. মেহেরপুর (২টি আসন)
০৭৩ মেহেরপুর-১
০৭৪ মেহেরপুর-২
২. কুষ্টিয়া (৪টি আসন)
০৭৫ কুষ্টিয়া-১ ২৬৩ কিলোবাইট
০৭৬ কুষ্টিয়া-২
০৭৭ কুষ্টিয়া-৩
০৭৮ কুষ্টিয়া-৪ ২৮১ কিলোবাইট
৩. চুয়াডাঙ্গা (২টি আসন)
০৭৯ চুয়াডাঙ্গা-১
০৮০ চুয়াডাঙ্গা-২
৪. ঝিনাইদহ (৪টি আসন)
০৮১ ঝিনাইদহ-১
০৮২ ঝিনাইদহ-২
০৮৩ ঝিনাইদহ-৩
০৮৪ ঝিনাইদহ-৪
৫. যশোহর (৬টি আসন)
০৮৫ যশোহর-১
০৮৬ যশোহর-২
০৮৭ যশোহর-৩
০৮৮ যশোহর-৪
০৮৯ যশোহর-৫
০৯০ যশোহর-৬
৬. মাগুরা (২টি আসন)
০৯১ মাগুরা-১
০৯২ মাগুরা-২
৭. নড়াইল (২টি আসন)
০৯৩ নড়াইল-১
০৯৪ নড়াইল-২
৮. বাগেরহাট (৪টি আসন)
০৯৫ বাগেরহাট-১
০৯৬ বাগেরহাট-২
০৯৭ বাগেরহাট-৩
০৯৮ বাগেরহাট-৪
৯. খুলনা (৬টি আসন)
০৯৯ খুলনা-১
১০০ খুলনা-২
১০১ খুলনা-৩
১০২ খুলনা-৪
১০৩ খুলনা-৫
১০৪ খুলনা-৬
১০. সাতক্ষীরা (৪টি আসন)
১০৫ সাতক্ষীরা-১ ২৩৪ কিলোবাইট
১০৬ সাতক্ষীরা-২ ২৯৬ কিলোবাইট
১০৭ সাতক্ষীরা-৩ ২১২ কিলোবাইট
১০৮ সাতক্ষীরা-৪ ৩৫৩ কিলোবাইট
রাজশাহী / খুলনা / ঢাকা / সিলেট / বরিশাল / চট্টগ্রাম
সংসদ সদস্য পদপ্রার্থীদের তুলনামূলক চিত্র (নির্বাচন-২০০৮)
রাজশাহী / খুলনা / ঢাকা / সিলেট / বরিশাল / চট্টগ্রাম
রাজশাহী বিভাগ
১. পঞ্চগড় জেলা (২টি আসন)
০০১ পঞ্চগড়-১ ৩০৫ কিলোবাইট
০০২ পঞ্চগড়-২ ২৫৫ কিলোবাইট
২. ঠাকুরগাঁও (৩টি আসন)
০০৩ ঠাকুরগাঁও-১ ২১৯ কিলোবাইট
০০৪ ঠাকুরগাঁও-২ ২১৫ কিলোবাইট
০০৫ ঠাকুরগাঁও-৩ ৩৫৭ কিলোবাইট
৩. দিনাজপুর (৬টি আসন)
০০৬ দিনাজপুর-১
০০৭ দিনাজপুর-২
০০৮ দিনাজপুর-৩ ২৫০ কিলোবাইট
০০৯ দিনাজপুর-৪
০১০ দিনাজপুর-৫ ২৪৬ কিলোবাইট
০১১ দিনাজপুর-৬ ১৭৮ কিলোবাইট
৪. নীলফামারী (৪টি আসন)
০১২ নীলফামারী-১
০১৩ নীলফামারী-২ ১৯৩ কিলোবাইট
০১৪ নীলফামারী-৩ ১৯৫ কিলোবাইট
০১৫ নীলফামারী-৪
৫. লালমনিরহাট (৩টি আসন)
০১৬ লালমনিরহাট-১
০১৭ লালমনিরহাট-২ ২০৫ কিলোবাইট
০১৮ লালমনিরহাট-৩
৬. রংপুর (৬টি আসন)
০১৯ রংপুর-১ ৩০৭ কিলোবাইট
০২০ রংপুর-২ ২৬০ কিলোবাইট
০২১ রংপুর-৩ ৪৩২ কিলোবাইট
০২২ রংপুর-৪ ৩২২ কিলোবাইট
০২৩ রংপুর-৫ ২৯৮ কিলোবাইট
০২৪ রংপুর-৬ ২৮৮ কিলোবাইট
৭. কুড়িগ্রাম (৪টি আসন)
০২৫ কুড়িগ্রাম-১ ২৬০ কিলোবাইট
০২৬ কুড়িগ্রাম-২ ৪৪৪ কিলোবাইট
০২৭ কুড়িগ্রাম-৩ ৪৪৯ কিলোবাইট
০২৮ কুড়িগ্রাম-৪ ৩৭০ কিলোবাইট
৮. গাইবান্ধা (৫টি আসন)
০২৯ গাইবান্ধা-১
০৩০ গাইবান্ধা-২
০৩১ গাইবান্ধা-৩
০৩২ গাইবান্ধা-৪
০৩৩ গাইবান্ধা-৫
৯. জয়পুরহাট (২টি আসন)
০৩৪ জয়পুরহাট-১
০৩৫ জয়পুরহাট-২
১০. বগুড়া (৭টি আসন)
০৩৬ বগুড়া-১
০৩৭ বগুড়া-২
০৩৮ বগুড়া-৩
০৩৯ বগুড়া-৪
০৪০ বগুড়া-৫
০৪১ বগুড়া-৬
০৪২ বগুড়া-৭
১১. চাঁপাইনবাবগঞ্জ (৩টি আসন)
০৪৩ চাঁপাইনবাবগঞ্জ-১
০৪৪ চাঁপাইনবাবগঞ্জ-২
০৪৫ চাঁপাইনবাবগঞ্জ-৩
১২. নওগাঁ (৬টি আসন)
০৪৬ নওগাঁ-১ ২২১ কিলোবাইট
০৪৭ নওগাঁ-২
০৪৮ নওগাঁ-৩
০৪৯ নওগাঁ-৪ ৩১০ কিলোবাইট
০৫০ নওগাঁ-৫ ২৩২ কিলোবাইট
০৫১ নওগাঁ-৬ ১৬৫কিলোবাইট
১৩. রাজশাহী (৬টি আসন)
০৫২ রাজশাহী-১ ১০৮ কিলোবাইট
০৫৩ রাজশাহী-২ ১৪০ কিলোবাইট
০৫৪ রাজশাহী-৩ ১৪৪ কিলোবাইট
০৫৫ রাজশাহী-৪ ৩২৫ কিলোবাইট
০৫৬ রাজশাহী-৫ ৩৪২ কিলোবাইট
০৫৭ রাজশাহী-৬ ১০৪ কিলোবাইট
১৪. নাটোর (৪টি আসন)
০৫৮ নাটোর-১ ২১১ কিলোবাইট
০৫৯ নাটোর-২ ২১৬ কিলোবাইট
০৬০ নাটোর-৩ ১৯২ কিলোবাইট
০৬১ নাটোর-৪ ৩৮০ কিলোবাইট
১৫. সিরাজগঞ্জ (৬টি আসন)
০৬২ সিরাজগঞ্জ-১ ২০০ কিলোবাইট
০৬৩ সিরাজগঞ্জ-২
০৬৪ সিরাজগঞ্জ-৩ ২৬১ কিলোবাইট
০৬৫ সিরাজগঞ্জ-৪ ২৭৫ কিলোবাইট
০৬৬ সিরাজগঞ্জ-৫ ২০৪ কিলোবাইট
০৬৭ সিরাজগঞ্জ-৬ ২৩৭ কিলোবাইট
১৬. পাবনা (৫টি আসন)
০৬৮ পাবনা-১ ২৩৬ কিলোবাইট
০৬৯ পাবনা-২ ১৭১ কিলোবাইট
০৭০ পাবনা-৩ ২৪৬ কিলোবাইট
০৭১ পাবনা-৪ ২৬৭ কিলোবাইট
০৭২ পাবনা-৫ ১৯১ কিলোবাইট
রাজশাহী / খুলনা / ঢাকা / সিলেট / বরিশাল / চট্টগ্রাম
রাজশাহী বিভাগ
১. পঞ্চগড় জেলা (২টি আসন)
০০১ পঞ্চগড়-১ ৩০৫ কিলোবাইট
০০২ পঞ্চগড়-২ ২৫৫ কিলোবাইট
২. ঠাকুরগাঁও (৩টি আসন)
০০৩ ঠাকুরগাঁও-১ ২১৯ কিলোবাইট
০০৪ ঠাকুরগাঁও-২ ২১৫ কিলোবাইট
০০৫ ঠাকুরগাঁও-৩ ৩৫৭ কিলোবাইট
৩. দিনাজপুর (৬টি আসন)
০০৬ দিনাজপুর-১
০০৭ দিনাজপুর-২
০০৮ দিনাজপুর-৩ ২৫০ কিলোবাইট
০০৯ দিনাজপুর-৪
০১০ দিনাজপুর-৫ ২৪৬ কিলোবাইট
০১১ দিনাজপুর-৬ ১৭৮ কিলোবাইট
৪. নীলফামারী (৪টি আসন)
০১২ নীলফামারী-১
০১৩ নীলফামারী-২ ১৯৩ কিলোবাইট
০১৪ নীলফামারী-৩ ১৯৫ কিলোবাইট
০১৫ নীলফামারী-৪
৫. লালমনিরহাট (৩টি আসন)
০১৬ লালমনিরহাট-১
০১৭ লালমনিরহাট-২ ২০৫ কিলোবাইট
০১৮ লালমনিরহাট-৩
৬. রংপুর (৬টি আসন)
০১৯ রংপুর-১ ৩০৭ কিলোবাইট
০২০ রংপুর-২ ২৬০ কিলোবাইট
০২১ রংপুর-৩ ৪৩২ কিলোবাইট
০২২ রংপুর-৪ ৩২২ কিলোবাইট
০২৩ রংপুর-৫ ২৯৮ কিলোবাইট
০২৪ রংপুর-৬ ২৮৮ কিলোবাইট
৭. কুড়িগ্রাম (৪টি আসন)
০২৫ কুড়িগ্রাম-১ ২৬০ কিলোবাইট
০২৬ কুড়িগ্রাম-২ ৪৪৪ কিলোবাইট
০২৭ কুড়িগ্রাম-৩ ৪৪৯ কিলোবাইট
০২৮ কুড়িগ্রাম-৪ ৩৭০ কিলোবাইট
৮. গাইবান্ধা (৫টি আসন)
০২৯ গাইবান্ধা-১
০৩০ গাইবান্ধা-২
০৩১ গাইবান্ধা-৩
০৩২ গাইবান্ধা-৪
০৩৩ গাইবান্ধা-৫
৯. জয়পুরহাট (২টি আসন)
০৩৪ জয়পুরহাট-১
০৩৫ জয়পুরহাট-২
১০. বগুড়া (৭টি আসন)
০৩৬ বগুড়া-১
০৩৭ বগুড়া-২
০৩৮ বগুড়া-৩
০৩৯ বগুড়া-৪
০৪০ বগুড়া-৫
০৪১ বগুড়া-৬
০৪২ বগুড়া-৭
১১. চাঁপাইনবাবগঞ্জ (৩টি আসন)
০৪৩ চাঁপাইনবাবগঞ্জ-১
০৪৪ চাঁপাইনবাবগঞ্জ-২
০৪৫ চাঁপাইনবাবগঞ্জ-৩
১২. নওগাঁ (৬টি আসন)
০৪৬ নওগাঁ-১ ২২১ কিলোবাইট
০৪৭ নওগাঁ-২
০৪৮ নওগাঁ-৩
০৪৯ নওগাঁ-৪ ৩১০ কিলোবাইট
০৫০ নওগাঁ-৫ ২৩২ কিলোবাইট
০৫১ নওগাঁ-৬ ১৬৫কিলোবাইট
১৩. রাজশাহী (৬টি আসন)
০৫২ রাজশাহী-১ ১০৮ কিলোবাইট
০৫৩ রাজশাহী-২ ১৪০ কিলোবাইট
০৫৪ রাজশাহী-৩ ১৪৪ কিলোবাইট
০৫৫ রাজশাহী-৪ ৩২৫ কিলোবাইট
০৫৬ রাজশাহী-৫ ৩৪২ কিলোবাইট
০৫৭ রাজশাহী-৬ ১০৪ কিলোবাইট
১৪. নাটোর (৪টি আসন)
০৫৮ নাটোর-১ ২১১ কিলোবাইট
০৫৯ নাটোর-২ ২১৬ কিলোবাইট
০৬০ নাটোর-৩ ১৯২ কিলোবাইট
০৬১ নাটোর-৪ ৩৮০ কিলোবাইট
১৫. সিরাজগঞ্জ (৬টি আসন)
০৬২ সিরাজগঞ্জ-১ ২০০ কিলোবাইট
০৬৩ সিরাজগঞ্জ-২
০৬৪ সিরাজগঞ্জ-৩ ২৬১ কিলোবাইট
০৬৫ সিরাজগঞ্জ-৪ ২৭৫ কিলোবাইট
০৬৬ সিরাজগঞ্জ-৫ ২০৪ কিলোবাইট
০৬৭ সিরাজগঞ্জ-৬ ২৩৭ কিলোবাইট
১৬. পাবনা (৫টি আসন)
০৬৮ পাবনা-১ ২৩৬ কিলোবাইট
০৬৯ পাবনা-২ ১৭১ কিলোবাইট
০৭০ পাবনা-৩ ২৪৬ কিলোবাইট
০৭১ পাবনা-৪ ২৬৭ কিলোবাইট
০৭২ পাবনা-৫ ১৯১ কিলোবাইট
Sunday 14 December 2008
Bangladesh: Elections and Beyond
Sunday, December 14, 2008
Bangladesh: Elections and Beyond
Bangladesh’s 29 December election will not return the country to civilian rule unless those with a stake in the vote – including the international community – ensure all registered parties contest credible, peaceful polls.
The latest briefing from the International Crisis Group, says the vote and an end to emergency rule do not equal democracy, but are necessary preconditions to the country’s stability.
Bangladesh December 2008 general election is expected to end a two year military-enforced state of emergency and return the country to democratic governance. While an end to emergency rule and elections do not equal democracy, both are necessary preconditions for the country’s stability. Through peaceful dialogue – an important achievement in its own right – the army-backed caretaker government (CTG) and the country’s main political parties have reached agreements on many issues that could derail the elections. However, there are no guarantees that the election will take place on time, that all the major parties will participate, or that all of them will accept the results. Even a successful election will only be the initial step to developing a more effective democracy in Bangladesh. The immediate goals for all stakeholders – including the international community – should be to ensure that all registered political parties contest and that the elections are credible and free of violence. Beyond the general election the political parties will face the challenges of making parliament work and contending with an army seeking a greater say in politics.
By late 2007 the CTG realised that reforms were easier to advocate than execute. Corruption had worsened despite its anti-graft campaign, and the political parties refused to undertake reforms or go to the polls without their jailed leaders. Faced with a failing reform agenda and declining popular support, the CTG was forced to abandon its “minus two” policy of sidelining the two major political parties’ leaders, Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia, and negotiate an exit strategy with the parties. Talks overcame many obstacles to elections contested by all the major parties, including the release of Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia, compulsory political party registration and the timing of the upazila (sub-district) polls. The upazila elections are slated for late January 2009, although their schedule is disputed.
The government has met many of the technical requirements to enhance poll credibility, but it has fallen short on several political conditions. New legislation aims to minimise the influence of ill-gotten wealth and a new electoral roll of over 80 million voters has been widely praised. However, a longstanding state of emergency curtailing fundamental rights, which may be lifted only after campaigning is under way, threatens the credibility of the election.
The political situation is complex and fragile. Bangladesh’s two largest political parties, the Awami League and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), are approaching the election from opposite positions. The Awami League, viewed as the frontrunner, is eager to contest the polls promptly and with few preconditions. The BNP is in disarray. The party threatened to boycott if emergency laws barring many of its members from standing in the election were not rescinded. BNP boycott threats have already forced one poll delay, and party leaders maintain a boycott is still an option if the state of emergency is not lifted by 17 December. If the election goes ahead without the BNP, its staunch ally and Bangladesh’s largest Islamist party, the Jamaat-e Islami, believes it could go it alone and run as the default option for Bangladeshis who would otherwise vote for the BNP.
A number of factors could adversely affect the elections and their aftermath. Although the election laws make electoral malpractice more difficult, the Election Commission (EC) has been reluctant to enforce them. Allegations of rigging could spark a party boycott or political violence; the continued emergency could prompt rejection of results. Technical flaws on election day with ballots or the voter roll could cause a delay or require re-polling in some areas. Islamist militants like the Jamaat’ul Mujahideen Bangladesh are still active, even in Dhaka, and pose a threat not only to the election but also to the country’s longer-term security.
Keeping the military in the barracks will require the new government and the opposition to seek accommodation with each other and the army. Dialogue with the CTG has demonstrated to the political parties that they can advance their interests through peaceful negotiations. If civilian rule is to succeed in Bangladesh, cooperation must be placed before confrontation. A return to zero-sum politics by the parties could be an excuse for the army step in yet again. Only Islamist forces stand to gain from another military government.
In terms of next steps: • The caretaker government should completely lift the state of emergency before the elections and refrain from issuing presidential ordinances that restrict the rights and freedoms necessary for credible democratic elections. • The Election Commission should appropriately enforce the election law and the election code of conduct; immediately initiate a public information campaign on voting procedures, in particular clarifying what identification is needed to vote; publish results in a timely and transparent fashion and at all levels of the election administration; and refrain from positioning security personnel in polling stations or in a manner that interferes with the election process. • Election observers should consider the impact of the state of emergency or any emergency provisions issued as presidential ordinances on poll credibility before issuing public statements. • The political parties should abide by the election laws; continue to seek solutions to electoral-related issues through peaceful negotiations with the CTG and other parties; and accept the election results if independent election observers deem the elections free and fair. • The international community should pressure all parties to play by the rules and accept the results, as well as encouraging the new government and parliament to continue institutional reforms. The European Union (EU) should consider Instrument for Stability funding to support such steps.
Published by International Crisis Group, Brussels, December 11, 2008
For full report as PDF file click:
http://www.crisisgroup.org/library/documents/asia/south_asia/b84_bangladesh___elections_and_beyond.pdf
Posted by Saleem Samad at 3:33 AM 0 comments Links to this post
Friday, December 12, 2008
From military-controlled caretaker government to military-backed elected government
SALEEM SAMAD
THE DEVELOPMENT in politics might not be "proactive", out right contradicted by a media practitioner friend who conducted a political assessment of Bangladesh in November and returned to Ottawa, Canada. He does not hesitate to predict that politicking could be "provocative".
A spontaneous reaction came from my long-term outspoken friend while in transit at Bahrain airport. He reacted after he saw my comments in the Facebook. If I understood his assessment that the transition from army backed caretaker government, would in fact switch to "army backed" elected government of proportionate representations from four major parties and some “selected” individuals.
A former Mukti Bahini officer a popular political commentator living in exile in New York agrees with him, but fears that incidences of civil unrest will occur soon after lifting state of emergency on December 17. He wraps up his theory that it will be an ideal situation for continuation of military subjugation in Bangladesh.
Nonetheless I am thrilled that Bangladesh is in transition to democracy – after two years of military-controlled interim government. Well Bangladesh is familiar of being governed by military juntas twice since 1975.
Therefore, it is not a new era for most citizenry, albeit not for those born after 1990 or was too young to understand, when military rule apparently ended with a sigh of relief. Thus the end of military rule paved way for the country’s first free, fair and credible election under a caretaker government.
At last the 9th parliamentary election will be held in the end of this December in midst of widespread fear, suspicion and conspiracy theories among the general public, specially those living in abroad.
Suddenly the constitutional democratic process were aborted by military chief Lt. General Moeen U Ahmed after he installed an interim government and terminated the scheduled elections in January 2007.
He promised the nation that he would halt criminalisation of politics, punish corrupt citizens – specially those who plundered public wealth, bring about electoral, judiciary and civil administrative reforms, and stamp organised crime, gangsters and put behind bars all evil-doers.
My argument does include whether the current interim government is legitimate or illegal, so long as they are bonded in broader promises that they will hand over power to a democratically elected government.
Well in his two years tenure as de facto leader of the impoverished nation of 150 million, he had to admit his failure and realised that the country needs to be governed by politicians and parliament, not by military generals who have failed to understand the sentiment of the people.
Will the political parties get equal opportunity for level playing field, a fair play? Apparently it seems NO. The Election Commission backed out from the (reformed) rules. Whereas the EC compromised certain rules to accommodate scores of “unwanted” applications for nominations. On the other hand, rejected hundreds of applications on the ground of not been able to follow the EC rules.
In the unfair play of game of politics, the four mainstream political parties have agreed to “proportionate parliament” and share with scores of other independent members in the new parliament to ensure checks and balance, which the military would like to see.
The four mainstream political parties Bangladesh Awami League, Bangladesh Nationalists Party (BNP), Jatiya Party and Jamaat-e-Islami (sorry they have registered as Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami) and divided in two major political alliances. It is apparent that they have agreed on principle that they would share parliament by default thus keeping the militaries in good humour.
Of course General Moeen has in his mind that all the misdeeds and illegal activities of his interim government have committed need 9th parliament’s endorsement. On the other hand, he will not be happy if the parliament takes any attempt to pass any bills which will infringe his safe exit from the political, economic and administrative mess he has created.
He will also like to translate his dreams into reality through the incumbent parliament to pass the controversial National Security Council. Which most students of democratic accountability and democracy watchdogs have cautioned that the Turkish model of National Security Council would not at all be beneficial for transition to democracy and instead infringe the parliament’s power to scrutinise military activities. It will further institutionalise the military’s role in Bangladesh democratic process.
The pertinent question is will the parliament be sustainable? What most political observers is trying to fathom whether the parliament would need another election to restore democratic accountability and independence from the invisible military dictates. Possibly in another 12 months from now, Bangladesh would need another election to get out of this mess. It would be long way for Bangladesh to ensure democratic accountability, when the generals have an upper hand in state polity.
To conclude which political alliance will form the government? It all depends on who is not blaming General Moeen for their miseries of legal harassment and ordeal in prison. Any sorts of dissent will be punished by denial of their rightful share of the people’s mandate in the parliament, thus a faint chance of forming a national government.
Loser would those who question the legitimacy, criticise or accuse the interim government for conspiracy. In addition whoever is less outspoken or silent about conspiracy theories hatched by the kaki generals. #
Toronto, December 12, 2008
Saleem Samad, an Ashoka Fellow is a Bangladesh born journalist presently living in exile in Canada and specialises in conflict, terrorism, security and intelligence in South Asia. He served as Bangladesh correspondent for TIME Asia magazine, press watchdog Reporters Sans Frontières (RSF), Daily Times (Lahore), investigative news portal Telekha.com (New Delhi), and the Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka). He edits DurDesh.net streaming from Toronto, a news portal for South Asian Diaspora in North America. He could be reached at saleemsamad@hotmail.com
Posted by Saleem Samad at 1:47 PM 2 comments Links to this post
Sunday, November 16, 2008
Will banning of media and cell phone lead to rigged election?
Dr. ABDUL MOMEN
THE BANGLADESH Election Commission (EC) the military-controlled care-taker government (CTG) have assured the nation that they plan to hold a ‘free, fair, non-violent, transparent and credible election on December 18, 2008’. However, how will they achieve such goal is still raises doubts as the procedures set up so far is still non-transparent and questionable. They said, ‘Don’t worry about the process--- just trust us’. Unfortunately, such promise doesn’t work more so in Bangladesh. In the history of Bangladesh, elections that were conducted by otherwise ‘able civil and military bureaucrats and judges’ in 1978, 1981, 1986, 1988 or February 15, 1996 and 2001 were mostly questionable and most of those elections were partly or wholly ‘rigged or doctored’. For example, in 1978, one of the most able Home Secretaries, an erstwhile CSP, Salahuddin Ahmed Chowdury delivered Gen Ziaur Rahman an overwhelming 98% votes by manipulating the ballots. When foreign media started questioning such result, General was shaken. Therefore, in his next election, he told his top bureaucrats not to make the result ‘unbelievable’. They followed his advice and he received 88% votes in his next election. The nation witnessed time and again similar election results delivered by our top bureaucrats. Each government assured the nation of a fair and transparent election but the end result was always ‘questionable’. Therefore, they instituted through mass movement a unique system in the world known as CTG, presumably a non-partisan non-political interim government whose only function is to deliver a ‘free, fair, non-violent, transparent and credible election’. Current Chief Election Commissioner and head of the CTG are both former CSPs like that of Salahuddin Ahmed and they are both non-political and non-partisan top notch bureaucrats. Let us hope that they would be different from their esteemed CSP colleague.
The officers of Bangladesh civil and military bureaucrats are the ‘cream of the society’ and they get all the privileges or cream of the government. Nevertheless their record of election delivery is very poor. None of them are wholly ‘fair, non-violent, transparent and credible’. Is it because their system is evil designed and mindset is corrupt? In 2001 election a privileged group of bureaucrats both civil and military headed by a judge secretly decided to deliver election victory to a specific party and in order to achieve it, among many others, the EC recruited a highly partisan group of Returning Officers (ROs or DCs), Presiding Officers (PrOs), Polling Officers (POs), Assistant Polling Officers (APOs), Police Officers (DIGs, SPs, OCs), etc. They were instructed to give victory to a certain party as Secretary Salahuddin did in 1978 and they delivered. However, in some pockets where they failed to manipulate or/and where voters ignored their threats and exercised their free will, they were butchered and massacred. For example, minority voters in Barisal and Faridpur were murdered and their homes were ransacked. Their women were raped. What a price to pay for exercising voting franchise!!! Recently nearly 123 million people voted in the U. S. President-elect Barack Obama got 65 million (53%) and his rival Senator John McCain received 57 million (46%) votes. It is said to have record voting, nearly 62% (in Bangladesh voting exceeds over 75% to 90% depending on bureaucrats). But none was butchered unlike Bangladesh. Not a single polling booth was taken over by goons or security forces, and no ballot stuffing occurred occupying the voting center unlike Bangladesh.
In Bangladesh election of 2001 in many areas, partisan group of security personnel went out and intimidated supporters of the party that they dislike. They arrested and paraded their leaders and in many cases, asked their supporters to pull down their campaign posters, flyers and also to close down their campaign offices. Being afraid, the party supporters and activists followed their orders. In addition, at times, both civil and military officials would take over certain polling centers for an hour or two and stuff ballot papers denying the actual voters to cast their votes. Such incidents could be reduced if there is full transparency. Unfortunately, the EC declared that ‘no media can report vote counting or election results directly from the voting centers prior to their manipulation’ and ‘no cell phones, no private or public automobiles’ will be allowed to operate on the Election Day. Third, political party activists are discouraged to transport voters to the polling booths. On the contrary, in USA, on Election Day, volunteers are especially encouraged to drive down voters to the polling booths and the media was free to report results on a continuing basis without soliciting approval of results from election officials. Therefore, critics argue that voting in USA is designed to solicit public opinion but voting in Bangladesh is designed to reinforce pre-determined goals.
Since Bangladesh infrastructure is primitive, road and river communication network is poor, even land phones are hardly reachable, in such environment, cell phones or mobiles are the best medium of communication. Secondly, since Bangladesh government officials generally suffer from a mindset of secrecy and dominance, and since many of them are highly corrupt, have poor ethical and moral values and easily get sold, denying media to broadcast the results or banning cell phones will surely open up scope for ‘rigging election result’. If there is any ‘takeover or seizure of polling centers by goons or military, Para-military or other security forces’, the public can report the incident right away through cell phones to superior authority for corrective actions or to the media and the election monitoring observers. Such facility can immensely help reduce the likelihood of ‘takeovers’ of polling centers, stuffing ballots and rigging the election. Unfortunately, the EC has banned its operation. The argument that they put up is very naïve and self defeating. They argue that the availability of Cell phone would assist the goons to coordinate takeover of polling centers and media reporting may not be accurate. They are partisan, not professional. The events of 2001 Election is still fresh in our minds. Bangladesh media reported the massacre of especially minority voters in Barisal and other districts. The government and its ‘cream of the society’ civil servants vehemently denied such looting and killing. It claimed that the media reports were false. Eventually as the international pressure mounted sanity prevailed and accepted the reality and the media was vindicated. In early 1990s when the U. S. Labor Dept was debating banning imports of garments and apparel from those countries that encourage or use child labor, the Bangladesh Foreign Secretary in a letter claimed that ‘there is no child labor in Bangladesh’. No one believed him and in fact, it earned poor image for Bangladesh. Similar government denial was observed when media reported the terrorist executions of Bangla Bhai and Sheikh Abdur Rahman, the jehadi terrorists. Not only that, whenever government is replaced these bureaucrats play the piper and often falsely develop stories and cases accusing people’s representatives.
The EC claims that if cell phones are allowed then goons can coordinate and take over polling centers. Who are those goons? No goon can sustain in Bangladesh without some support either from the Law Enforcing Authority or political power house. Arms combing operation by the CTG if done correctly prior to election, no private goon can sustain.
Thousands of highly well armed police, BDR, RAB, Para-military and smart military forces of Bangladesh are capable of maintaining law and order and they can also ensure safety and security of polling centers and ballots. It’s notorious Rapid Armed Battalions (RABs) well known for extra-judicial killing is capable of discharging their responsibilities or rushing to the troubled centers quickly. In the last Mayor election in Barisal under the current administration, when a group of partisan RABs were found involved in seizure of polling centers and stuffing of ballots, as the Cell phones were not banned, general public reported the incidents right away to the media and as the media rushed to the spots, that group of partisan RABs hurriedly left the venue. Thus they failed to stuff the ballot boxes. If illegal seizure or capturing of polling centers is not guaranteed, stuffing of ballot boxes is easy and likely. In such case, voter list with photo ID or not is irrelevant because those who will seize a center they can stamp the ballots and stuff them at ease. Such will not guarantee ‘credible election’. Therefore, cell phones and media must not be banned on the Election Day.
In 2001 election, when I reported to the local Military Chief about the incident that a group of partisan military personnel ransacked the election campaign offices of a candidate and intimidated his supporters plus put up nasty posters against a party leader, the Commanding Officer looked at his ledger and said ‘ military vehicles went out to that area’. However, he asked me to get the number plates of each vehicle and the badges of each personnel and officers. He stated, ‘they must have impersonated military personnel’. Unfortunately, people of Bangladesh who are always afraid of military or police or anyone with killer weapons hardly record those numbers. In another incident, when a polling center was taken over by a group of goons, it take me over 20 minutes just to get hold of a workable land phone since neither automobile nor rickshaws were available. When I could finally speak to a military Captain, the young duty officer, he immediately dispatched the forces but by the time they reached the spot, the goons stuff sufficient ballots and left the venue. If cell phones would have been allowed, both reporting and dispatch could be efficient and quick. It is sad that a small group of partisan and greedy security officials and bureaucrats deprive the public of a fair, free and transparent election for their personal gain and in the process they bring disgrace and bad name to the entire police, Para-military and armed forces of the country.
Secondly, if cell phones are allowed, the media can report the ballot counts of each center right away across the country and thus possibility of manipulation or doctoring of results which is common in Bangladesh could be minimized. In the last elections, in many areas people voted freely but when the ROs (DCs) and PrOs sent the ballot counts, they manipulated the results. The major vehicle of ‘rigging of election results’ in Bangladesh are not political parties or their supporters as the government often claims but actually a small group of greedy and partisan civil and military bureaucrats that conduct the elections in utmost secrecy both at the local level as well in the Center. Without active connivance of bureaucracy both military and civil, it is nearly impossible to rig an election. Therefore, it should be made ‘transparent’ at every level. Secondly, transparent procedure must be correctly set, debated and publicly discussed to achieve goals.
Bangladesh earned poor image of being the ‘number one corrupt country in the world’ consecutively for 5 years. The military controlled caretaker government and its all powerful Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) headed by a general tried to punish mostly political leaders selectively instead of aiming at rooting out corruption from the body politic and therefore, it did not work much. More importantly, neither people like Justice Abdul Aziz, the former Chief Election Commissioner nor his associates that defrauded the Voter List were punished for their ‘unethical and immoral corruption’. Neither government officials that were responsible for rigging past elections were charge-shitted for their poor performance. Therefore, it is not unlikely that the current election officials may follow their past tradition of doctoring the elections without public awareness and transparency.
Under the circumstances how can we ‘trust’ the current the EC of a fair election? In quality control, ‘trust me, my quality is number 1’ is not enough. Instead, experts have set up verifiable, tested and transparent ‘quality control mechanism and processes’ to achieve quality products or services. Edward Deming and Jurand, the gurus of quality control therefore set up a complete process of TQM, total quality management. Their process worked well. Following their prescriptions, U. S. Secretary of Commerce, Malcolm Baldridge created a Baldridge Award of Excellence. It has 1,000 points and these points are divided into various critical areas of quality assurance. Any company that meets those criteria is awarded Baldridge awards each year. Here process is more important. Such improved process assist in guaranteeing ‘quality product or service’ provided it is fully enforced and implemented. Neither the Election Commission nor the CTG could set up a ‘verifiable and transparent process of guaranteeing a free, fair, non-violent, transparent and credible election system yet in Bangladesh. Rather, their process is marred with secrecy, doubts and questionable set ups such as (1) non-withdrawal of state of emergency regulations, (2) banning of media reporting and (3) banning of cell phones. This is very sad indeed and such may deprive the nation of a ‘free, fair, non-violent, transparent and credible election’ in 2008. Therefore, if the EC and the CTG are sincere to hold a free, fair and credible election, they must withdraw their bans from cell phones, media coverage and emergency regulations. #
Dr Abdul Moment is Professor of Economics and Management, Boston, USA
Posted by Saleem Samad at 11:28 PM 2 comments Links to this post
Saturday, November 15, 2008
Create Level Playing Field for Candidates for Change in Bangladesh
GOPAL SEN GUPTA
WHEN WE talk about electoral democracy we would be talking about democratic practices involved in a democratic election. Included within the framework are the fundamental political values, i.e. democracy, democratic practices & democratic Institutions, the rule of law, fundamental human rights and a just & honest electoral organisation. Like other organisations established in a democracy, the electoral organisation entrusted with the power to conduct elections should completely be committed to democracy and have the will to actively promote democratic ethics.
What we see from our present political scenario? The Awami League president had alleged a conspiracy was being hatched against the December 18 parliamentary polls and said the national elections must be held on the day for transition to democracy. National elections must be held on December 18 for transition to democracy and her party want acceptable elections in a free and fair manner which will be contested by all political parties. The Awami League president stressed the need for the establishment of an effective post-election parliament through which both the elected government and the opposition will play a positive role in running the country. On the other side, the Chairperson of the Bangladesh Nationalist party (BNP) expressed her concerns that the government has failed to create a promised level-playing field for all parties to contest the election, while the election commission seems favouring a certain group to clinch power. Analysts have said the participation of both major parties is crucial to ensure peaceful voting and a smooth return to democracy after nearly two years of rule by an army-backed interim government.
It is very important that the elections should be held in keeping with the schedule on December 18 for a democratically elected government which will, in fact, reflect the wishes of the people, a foreign diplomat said. He thinks that is a vision for the future that my sense is shared by everybody in this country. Asked about the BNP’s unwillingness to contest the elections, he said the BNP must make the decision on the matter. But from his perspective as a high commissioner of a country, he has very much hope that they will have the widest possible participation in this election. Other foreign diplomats hoped that all political parties will be able to participate in the election to compete in a free and fair manner to democratically elect a government. About the BNP’s allegation of absence of a level playing field for fair polls, one foreign diplomat said it is the matter of the caretaker government to discuss with all political parties and expressed that of course, everyone in this country wants to see free and fair elections and all political parties have equal opportunities to participate and campaign for the elections
Democratic ethics have ideally been outlined by the various international conventions. The adoptions of some of the fundamental elements found in the guidelines would help to establish some kind of electoral standard which enjoys not only the broad support of the people but also most importantly the attainment of a standard that is internationally recognised. To determine where exactly we are with international standard, we would have to examine the legal framework governing democratic elections in the country. There is no ‘best’ electoral system suitable to all and no universally recognised standard attached to any one of them. The choice of electoral system needs to be made with desired goals in mind. It must be understood by all that the effect which different kinds of electoral system can promote are ultimately contextual and depend on the specific cleavages and divisions within any given society.
Choosing an electoral system is one of the most important institutional decisions for any democracy. An electoral system can help to “engineer” specific outcomes such as encouraging co-operation and accommodation in a divided society, a point very much relevant to independent Bangladesh in its infant stage by which cleavages and divisions are reduced significantly through co-operation and accommodation among the society divided with race, religion, culture as well as geopolitical environment at that particular point of time. The International Handbook on electoral system specifically mentioned that in the choice of an electoral system an important consideration is whether a country is sharply divided along political, religious, ethnic or other lines and whether minorities are, in the process, going to be properly and equitably represented in the political system.
The choice of the electoral system within the context of a particular country can make a significant positive or negative impact on the electoral fortunes of the various political contenders. As far as we are concerned the simple system chosen had seen the negative impact on parties which failed to gain popularity (in term of seats obtained) and had even disappeared from the political scene. On the other hand there are parties whose leaders have been far sighted enough to undertake policy of accommodation and co-operation and had continued to gain seats (and power) devoid of any prospect of being wiped out of the political scene at all. In spite of these difficulties the EC has been in complete control and has done very well in vital areas pertaining to the actual electoral conduct and process, e.g. Nomination, Poll, the Count and the pronouncement of results. Complete transparency has been achieved in those areas even though in carrying out those functions the EC has to rely on the honesty and impartiality of government officials. In general government officials, in terms of accountability, owe their loyalty to the government of the day.
Earning the confidence of the people is considered the most challenging task for the Commission. So far so good. For the past general elections we have managed to earn that credit. On the other hand it is also a completely challenging task for the Commission to earn and maintain the confidence of the opposition parties especially when all the time they harbour a sense of complete distrust for the government and collaterally for the Commission. Ironically what ever the Commission does has always’ been quaintly seen as working towards maintaining favourable conditions for the government and of course for the present caretaker government in power. What is considered completely fair sometimes are pronounced as unfair and the built-in advantages enjoyed by the party in power and a complete manipulation of those advantages would during critical time completely wipe out any shred of confidence they may have over the whole system and the agency in charge.
When we talk about election management with international standards, it is important that the legal framework on election should be so structured as to be unambiguous, understandable, transparent and should address all components of an electoral system necessary to ensure democratic election. What is really important to our nation is the necessary components in the law which will enhance the credibility of and public confidence in the elections. The legitimacy of the government established under the system should not at all be subject to any form of post election outcry and examinations.How does a member of the public view somebody's’ statement which says that determining the mode of campaign as none of the EC’s business. What exactly are we expected to do during the time when with the conduct of a democratic election, democratic rules appear to indicate that freedom to campaign can be considered the most important element in the election process. Which other ways can EC earn the confidence of the people other than being judged on our performance in the conduct of a free and fair election.
I believe that all aspects of the electoral Commissions’ establishment, composition, status and functions are relevant to the question of transparency in the electoral process. In term of the International standards and guideline, the legal framework should require that the Commission be established and should operate in a manner that ensures the independent and impartial administration of elections.As for the electoral management system we are quite close to the internationally recognised electoral standards. In Bangladesh the legal framework on election will provide the important elements for the establishment a strong electoral management process and mechanism but yet the overall framework clearly does not provide sufficient rooms for the Commission to manoeuvre and place itself completely in a commanding position to set up a completely level playing field during the election period.
When we talk about election management with international standards, it is important that the legal framework on election should be so structured as to be unambiguous, understandable, transparent and should address all components of an electoral system necessary to ensure democratic election. How does a member of the public view somebody's’ statement which says that determining the mode of campaign as none of the EC’s business. What exactly are we expected to do during the time when in terms of the conduct of a democratic election, democratic rules appear to indicate that freedom to campaign can be considered the most important element in the election process. Which other ways can we earn the confidence of the people other than being judged on our performance in the conduct of a free and fair election.
When we talk about democratic electoral process, we always hear people mentioning about the need for a level playing field. The expression “level playing field, according to electoral guidelines required the fair application of the following to all political parties.
• All rules and regulations
• Freedom to campaign by all means available (Democratic electoral campaign)
• Access to the state owned media to explain program to electorate
• Free to consult the election management team (Access to Electoral Commission)
• Can participate, where necessary, in election preparatory process, or
• Can participate in observing that all procedures are being properly applied.
Level playing field is a necessary ingredient of a free and fair election although no one with enough experience in the conduct of election will ever subscribe to the view that an absolute equality can be achieved between the contending parties.
Built in advantages enjoyed by the party in power in Bangladesh are many, including the right to call the shots, publicity over policy announcements and most of other public related exposures, including the support the ruling party may enjoy from a large number of privately owned media bodies which consider as being the major obstacles to the establishment of a playing field considered level in our election
Election is a festival of democracy. It fosters an inclusive state, democracy rooted in popular sovereignty and sustainable peace and tests the competitive strength of political parties and leaders through program and ideologies. In this context, it is important for the Nepalese press to keep the hope of citizens alive and kicking by serving key roles in democratic initiatives, democratic consolidation, democratic expansion and democratic deepening. Truly independent press spreads democratic ideology and plays an important role in the maintenance of the democratic system. It signifies a program of public rationality and a voice of the voiceless.
Since print and electronic media are the prime channels of transmitting electoral messages, politics in Bangladesh will be played out increasingly in communicative space. Press can contribute to ease the nation's transition process by creating election-friendly environment, democratising the public sphere and legitimising political initiatives. In Bangladesh, politicians talk more to the press than among themselves. It is the press that shapes their overall cognitive understanding about politics. A strong identification of citizens with political parties steered by the press provides greater motivation to vote and engage in politics. But, party is only a part of society, not the whole. Press can play an important role to make democracy for everybody by reaching to even the passive and alienated populace and sensitising them on public questions. By providing critical information responsible press nurtures an informed society capable of making vital choices in the election process and contributing towards the emancipatory potential of rationality embodied in participatory democracy. #
Gopal Sengupta is a freelance writer based in Canada who can be reached at: gopalsengupta@aol.com
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Sunday, November 02, 2008
Bangladeshi Voting Fever in the Boroughs
Bangladesh Society of New York puts your election obsession to shame
ELIZABETH DWOSKIN
An election was about to be committed on American soil—no, not the one happening next week, the one that should result in a huge turnout by American standards, but will, inevitably, only rouse a minority of adult Americans to polling places. No, this was another kind of election entirely, one that involved people whose passion for politics is completely alien to the native-born of this country.
IN THE dead silence of a Sunday morning, hours before the crowds arrived, Chad Mia, a former manager at a Sbarro franchise, rode his truck full of milky sweet tea, stewed chickpeas, and lentil cakes through an industrial section of Queens. It was 2 a.m. He curled up in the front seat to catch a few hours of sleep. He wanted to guard both his spot from the other vendors that would arrive later on that day and something that was perhaps even more important: a large hanging banner that bore the face of a man named Mohammed Aziz, his favorite candidate. He feared the banner might be taken down during the night.
By 8 a.m., the sidewalks were bustling with people and television cameras from eight different stations; bejeweled women in brightly colored saris and men in suits were locked in noisy debate. Campaign staffers lined the block with tables and folding chairs. To get to the polling precinct—a warehouse called the "Queens Palace"—voters pushed through a narrow aisle of people who shoved flyers in their faces and shouted all at once.
So much clamor, and the actual voting wasn't set to begin for another two hours—for all the politicking and arguing and debate, these people were only casting ballots for the officers of a nonprofit organization.
The election of the Bangladesh Society of New York is one of the most festive days of the year for local immigrants. Voters, most of whom are noncitizens, are obsessed with the electoral process. "It's like Diwali!" one man said, referring to the Hindu festival of light that's happening in Jackson Heights this week. As in the presidential election, the same issues had come up: economic insecurity, voting fraud, and the charisma of the candidates.
An election commissioner, Sayed Tipu Sultan, wearing a ribbon with the words "Commissioner of Elections" pinned to his blazer, buzzed about confidently, maintaining order. "This is going to be a very hard-fought election," he announced. "Both parties are very strong."
He barked into a BlackBerry and took a moment to talk to the television cameras. Nearly 13,000 people were registered to vote. They would make their way to four other precincts—in nearby Jamaica and Ozone Park, in the Bronx, and in Brooklyn.
Everything was running smoothly, he said, but that hasn't always been the case. "Whenever a party lost an election, he would file a petition to the court," Sultan said. "You know, just to play around a little bit."
One man, who called himself a campaign manager, was manning a table on the sidewalk. "Our panel is the very best panel!" he yelled, pushing a flyer with his slate of candidates—all on the Aziz team—into people's faces as they walked by.
People seemed to be in high spirits, and they had reason to be happy. Just two days earlier, a district court judge had dismissed a lawsuit against the popular Aziz, a wealthy contractor who was seeking a three-year term as president of the Society. The plaintiffs in the suit—from his political opposition—had alleged that Aziz paid the registration fees, at $20 each, for hundreds of people. That allegation did turn out to be partially true (Aziz insists that he paid for only a handful of people)—but, the court found, it was well within the rules set out by the society's official election commission.
The rules required no financial disclosures, but it was rumored that Aziz had spent half a million dollars of his own money on his campaign (Aziz later said it was only $300,000), and he was heavily favored to win.
"When we have a candidate, we support him with our heart and soul," said Mia. "We support him with money, plus energy. We support this guy because he will bring us into mainstream American politics. He will be our voice!"
Just weeks before, Mia had lost his job as a manager at a Sbarro restaurant on Canal Street. Business was down 40 percent. The job market in New York is very bad, he explained. Since he lost his job, he's been working as a street vendor in Jackson Heights. The election, he pointed out, is itself an economic engine for the struggling community (Sultan says it costs about $100,000 to run). Mia was hoping the charitable Aziz would set up job-training programs if he was elected president.
Aziz, who is based in Bed-Stuy, builds affordable housing in Brooklyn, Queens, and the Bronx. He was running on a platform of building a community center, fixing immigration problems, and finding jobs for Bangladeshis.
People lined up to enter the precinct, showing IDs at the door. The machines were the same ones used by the city. Poll workers checked people's last names and sent them to the proper booth to vote, each of which was guarded by a beefy African-American man wearing a black SECURITY T-shirt. The security men checked the levers on the machines to ensure that nobody voted twice.
Most people had no trouble using the machines—Aziz had sponsored training workshops a few weeks earlier.
Outside, the security guards ushered people off the sidewalk, appearing more like bouncers at a nightclub than supervisors of an election. (At one point, even the election commissioner himself was told to clear the area.) Armed plainclothes NYPD officers were also standing by.
"We are born into politics," said Mia, adding that Bangladeshis love Barack Obama. "It's the way we grow up—politics, politics," he said. "Americans don't seem to care that much."
Few people, however, could name the Bangladesh Society's accomplishments during the previous year.
"For hundreds of years, we were suppressed by the Dutch. And then by the British. And we fought them! But nobody could rule us forever. We really like to get involved to change our fate," said commissioner Sultan. He paused a moment, and then noted that in Bangladesh itself, the political system is woefully corrupt. "But it never changes that much."
After the votes were counted, Aziz had won by a 75 percent margin.
"I never thought I was actually that popular," he said a few days after the raucous day of voting. "It's unbelievable. I just couldn't believe how much people like me." #
First published in Village Voice, October 29, 2008
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Saturday, October 18, 2008
Religious extremists shouldn’t be encouraged
RIPAN KUMAR BISWAS
THIS IS absolutely shocking news. Government pulled down the sculptures in the face of pressure from a group of obscurantist Islamists.
There was an international outcry, when the Taliban destroyed two Buddhist statues including others in Afghanistan in the spring of 2001.The two statues in Bamiyan, 175 and 120 feet tall, were hewn from the side of a mountain. The largest, carved in the third century AD, was thought to be the world's tallest standing Buddha. But the then Islamist Taliban government decreed that the statues, which had survived for over 1,500 years, were idolatrous and un-Islamic.
After seven years, everyone who witnessed and came across the news, was surprised and incensed when the military-controlled interim government of Bangladesh was forced to pull down a monument of bauls (folk singers) on the roundabout at Zia International Airport in Dhaka.
As part of the city beautification programme and to uphold the rich Bangladeshi heritage, the Dhaka City Corporation decided to erect a monument in front of the airport so that each and every foreigner along with other local countrymen could know the rich baul tradition of Bangladesh. According to the sculpture Mrinal Haque, the sculptures of five bauls holding ektaras were about to finish as eighty percent of the work had been completed, but the Muslim bigots were able to force the authorities and took part the demolition job on Wednesday, October 15, 2008.
Heritage is our legacy from the past, what we live with today, and what we pass on to future generations. Our cultural and natural heritages are both irreplaceable sources of life and inspiration. Cultural heritage is based on aspects of our past that we want to keep, appreciate and pass on to future generations. These elements reflect our history, and can evoke special meaning for us as individuals or as members of a community.
The culture of Bangladesh has a unique history, dating back more than 2500 years ago. It has evolved over the centuries, and encompasses the cultural diversity of several social groups of Bangladesh. There is an enormous amount of influence of folklore in the old and modern Bengali literature. Baul songs, the mystic folk songs of Bangladesh can be compared with any other of the world rich in folklore. Bauls constitute both a syncretic religious sect and a musical tradition used as a vehicle to express Baul thought. Bauls are a very heterogeneous group, with many different streams to the sect, but their membership mainly consists of Vaishnavite Hindus and Sufi Muslims. Baul songs always propagate humanism and tolerance.
During Pakistan period, cultural struggle for national identity of Bangladeshi, starting from language movement of 1952, has always been integral part of national struggle. As a result, struggle of Bangladeshi people from language movement of 1952 to armed resistance in 1971, lead to emergence of Bangladesh as secular democratic nation in the world.
The religious extremism has been growing in Bangladesh for decades now. Although these forces were put in total disarray after their defeat in 1971, they have managed to regroup due to subsequent political patronage. They were further helped in their revival by the confrontationist politics of Bangladesh. The recent demolition of those sculptures is not only an example of destroying the secular fabric of Bangladesh’s tolerant heritage but also a slap on humanity and one of its superheroes. And the worst part of it is that the extremists were able to force the government to fulfill their fundamental ideologies. Like its predecessors, this incident raised the question about the present government's commitment to protecting Bangladeshi culture, upholding non-communal spirit and democratic values.
Protesters from other side including freedom fighters, educationists, cultural activists, politicians and general people, who believe there is a conspiracy against the country's Liberation War, culture and its secularist character, are raising voice to secure the country’s secularism, but the extremists seem more strong as no one with authority is ready to stop patronizing obscurantism and bigotry and to realize the idiocy of this kind of action. "We will not accept anything but a hajj minar at that place and its design must be finalized upon our consent within October 23," said Mufti Nur Hossain, Committee Chairman of Bimanbandar Golchattar Murti Protirodh Committee after succeeding in demolition. The bigots further demanded the immediate release of Mahbub Jamil, special assistant to the chief adviser, for taking initiative to erect the sculptures.
These obscurantist were succeeded to send Arifur Rahman to behind bars, cartoonist of daily Prothom Alo for drawing a cartoon which according to them was against the spirit of Islam whereas a similar piece of cartoon was published in one of their mouthpiece magazine (Kishore Kantha by Chattra Shibir, November 1998 issue), but none of Islamists groups did utter a single word against that cartoon. Matiur Rahman, editor of Prothom Alo and recipient of the 2005 Ramon Magsaysay Award for journalism, had to offered unqualified public apology more than once and appealed to the agitating Islamists for compassion.
Even a similar group of extremists recently forced the government to review and amend the sections of a drafted women development policy 2008, which ensure equal rights for women under the law. On October 17, 2008, a new fresh threat came when chairman of a faction of Islami Oikya Jote Fazlul Haq Amini declared that all statues in different places of the country would be pulled down if Islamists would come to power. He pronounced Shikha Onirban, the eternal flame in Dhaka Cantonment in memory of the military personnel martyred in the liberation war, is an anti-Islamic symbol. Every time they were gathered in such an organized way, particularly under emergency where all the democratic forces are barred to conduct overt political activities, to advance their common obscurantist politics, which eventually aims at setting up of theocratic state in Bangladesh.
Bangladesh is a moderate Muslim democratic country, but this type of activities may tarnish the secular image of Bangladesh as fundamentalism is the belief in absolute religious authority and the demand that this religious authority be legally enforced. Fundamentalism is the product of a clash between religious belief and the ‘modernity’ of the society. The clash is based on fear – fear that the secularized nature of society will lead to the destruction of their religion and seduce them and their loved ones to the path leading to Hell . . . and leave them bereft of meaning and hope in this life. Fundamentalism is incompatible with democracy. Democracy is based on the belief that people with radically different beliefs and cultures can live together in peace if they respect each other’s right to disagree. As Bangladesh is heading towards democratic transition this December, its cultural heritages, social values and secularism must be maintained.
We believe that the present government is very much concerned about these extremists’ activities and determine to keep peace and harmony in the society in any way, but as long as the concern of spirit of the birth of Bangladesh, any such extremists shouldn’t be encouraged or tolerated so that they can able to deter the democratic norms of Bangladesh. #
First published on October 18, 2008, New York
Ripan Kumar Biswas (Ripan.Biswas@yahoo.com) is a freelance writer based in New York
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Jamaat's politics of hatemongering, discrimination and violence
A.B. M. NASIR
Those who led the bleeding of innocent civilians, raping of women must be tried: we must compel the government to bring the collaborators to justice. The future of liberty, democracy, peace and stability in Bangladesh largely depends on the trial of the perpetrators of the genocide in 1971. We must resist any attempt by the government and/or any interest group to legitimise Jamaat's politics of hatred, violence, and discrimination in our democratic process
WHEN KARL Rueger, an ultranationalist renowned for his hatred against the ethnic and religious minority and abhorrence for individual liberty, won the mayoral election of Vienna, Austria in 1895, it shook the foundation of emerging liberty in Europe (Fareed Zakaria, 2003, The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy at Home and Abroad, p59-60). The emperor Franc Joseph I of Habsburg, fearing that Rueger's induction would jeopardise the future of liberty, refused to recognise him as the elected mayor. Despite his indignation, the emperor eventually had to submit to the choice of majority and recognise Rueger as the mayor. Much later the emperor's fear was vindicated. The emperor had rightly feared that Rueger's intention, as ingrained in his ideology, was not to promote the virtues of democracy and liberty but to exploit the democratic process to promote his ultra-nationalism. Rueger's induction later led to the ascent of the Fascists and the Nazis, respectively, to the Italian and German political powers as organised minority albeit through democratic election.
The Fascists (1922-1943) and the Nazis' (1933-1945) ascent to the political powers can be attributed, inter alia, to three important factors: (i) the failure of the political establishments in Italy and Germany to live up to the expectation of the people; (ii) the rise of ultra-nationalism; and (iii) the activism of the extremely organised propaganda machines and dedicated foot soldiers deployed by both the Fascists and the Nazis to undermine the credibility of the politicians and dismantle the political establishments.
Once ascended to power, both the Fascists and the Nazis continued their onslaught on individual liberty and democratic institutions. They unleashed the infamous Black Shirts and Gestapo to suppress the voices of freedom. About 20 years of Fascist rule in Italy and 12 years of Nazi rule in Germany ended up with the greatest human disaster in history, the World War II, which annihilated 50 million people across the world including the massacre of six million Jews by the Nazis.
The turn of the event in the history now proves that Karl Rueger, who abhorred individual liberty, democratic values, religious harmony and diversity, should never have been allowed to participate in the democratic process in the first place.
In Bangladesh, Jamaat-e-Islami is the reincarnation of the Fascists of Italy and the Nazis of Germany. Its antipathy like that of Karl Rueger toward democracy and liberty, its penchant for organised violence similar to those of Black Shirts and Gestapo, and its discriminatory principles against religious minority like that of Nazis are causes for serious concern. The reasons that should have prohibited Karl Rueger from participating in the democratic process equally apply to Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh. At least four compelling reasons would justify why Jamaat must be rejected from participating in the democratic process. These reasons are as follows.
First, Jamaat-e-Islami doesn't believe in democracy or any form of godless materialism. The excerpt 'Muslims who form the overwhelming majority will not tolerate secularism, socialism, capitalism or godless materialism' (Abbas Ali Khan, Jamaat-e-Islami's views on defence of Bangladesh, p4) bears testimony to this effect. A political party or any organization which doesn't believe in democracy must be cast out from the democratic process.
Second, Jamaat's view on political participation is discriminatory. Once ascended to political power, Jamaat will not hesitate to restrict or even deny the rights of religious minorities and women, thereby degrading their status to second-class citizens. This fear is rightly justified when one reads the following passage extracted from the article 'An Introduction to the Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh'. The passage reads: 'Any sane and adult person can become a Member of the Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh if he or she accepts the basic creed of the Jamaat-e-Islami as his or her own creed, accepts the aims and objects of the Jamaat-e-Islami as his or her own aims and objects, pledges to fulfil the demands of the constitution of the Jamaat-e-Islami, performs the obligatory duties ordained by Islam' (An Introduction to Jamaat-e-Islami; http://dailyalochona.blogspot.com/2008/10/mukto-mona-why-jamaat-e-islami-shouldnt.html, p2). Jamaat's creed being the belief in Islam, for any non-Muslim aspiring to hold political office under Jamaat's hegemony must submit to the creed of Jamaat-e-Islami. Such membership criterion is discriminatory, exclusive and unconstitutional. Any form of forced exclusion is anti-democratic. And, by requiring individuals to submit to the belief of any particular religion to be eligible to participate in the political process is against the country's constitution. Therefore, Jamaat is working against the constitution and must not be allowed to participate in the political process.
Third, Jamaat's ultra-nationalistic view is anti-democratic and is a threat to the regional peace and stability. Jamaat's ultra-nationalistic view, similar to those of Karl Rueger, Mussolini and Hitler, is reflected in the statement 'the psychology of the defence forces in Bangladesh must be anti-Indian' (Abbas Ali Khan, Jamaat-e-Islami's views on defence of Bangladesh, p4). Such jingoistic attitude is a serious threat to the regional peace and stability of South Asia.
Fourth, in 1971, Jamaat not only opposed to the creation of Bangladesh, but it collaborated with the Pakistani army in perpetrating one of the worst genocides in the world history. Jamaat's crime against humanity led to the death of three million civilians and rape of more than 200,000 women and destruction of billions of dollars worth of properties. It's leadership including Golam Azam, Motiur Rahman Nizami, Ali Ahsan Mujahidi, Kamaruzzam, Delawar Hossain Saidi have never been tried in the court of law for committing such a heinous crime. Nor have they ever apologised for their opposition to the creation of Bangladesh. In contrast, they are thriving and constantly resorting to shenanigans to rub their dirty and bloody hands off their complicity in the crime against humanity and treacherous acts against the creation of Bangladesh. On October 28, 2006, the way few hundred armed Jamaat cadres stood up against thousands of angry opposition activists can be reminiscent of the way a few members of the black shirts used to dismantle political rallies during the Fascist rule in Italy. The thousands of rounds of bullets that came out of the guns of Jamaat cadres on that day indicates how ferocious Jamaat's foot soldiers can get, even today, to protect their fervent belief from being strolled or discredited.
All these indicate that hatemongering, discrimination, and violence have always been the principle strategies of Jamaat's politics to rise to political office. A political party whose strategy and politics is based on such principles is anti-democratic and must be rejected.
If we are to learn any lessons from the consequences of the Fascist and Nazi rules, then, to protect democracy and liberty, we must stop the recurrence of the same in Bangladesh. We must constantly remind citizens of the country that Bangladesh is born out of the sacrifice of millions. Those who led the bleeding of innocent civilians, raping of women must be tried: we must compel the government to bring the collaborators to justice. The future of liberty, democracy, peace and stability in Bangladesh largely depends on the trial of the perpetrators of the genocide in 1971. We must resist any attempt by the government and/or any interest group to legitimise Jamaat's politics of hatred, violence, and discrimination in our democratic process. If we fail to resist the Jamaatification of the institutions of the country, Bangladesh will fall into the grip of the forces of darkness of middle age. #
ABM Nasir (nasnc@yahoo.com) teaches economics at North
Bangladesh: Elections and Beyond
Bangladesh’s 29 December election will not return the country to civilian rule unless those with a stake in the vote – including the international community – ensure all registered parties contest credible, peaceful polls.
The latest briefing from the International Crisis Group, says the vote and an end to emergency rule do not equal democracy, but are necessary preconditions to the country’s stability.
Bangladesh December 2008 general election is expected to end a two year military-enforced state of emergency and return the country to democratic governance. While an end to emergency rule and elections do not equal democracy, both are necessary preconditions for the country’s stability. Through peaceful dialogue – an important achievement in its own right – the army-backed caretaker government (CTG) and the country’s main political parties have reached agreements on many issues that could derail the elections. However, there are no guarantees that the election will take place on time, that all the major parties will participate, or that all of them will accept the results. Even a successful election will only be the initial step to developing a more effective democracy in Bangladesh. The immediate goals for all stakeholders – including the international community – should be to ensure that all registered political parties contest and that the elections are credible and free of violence. Beyond the general election the political parties will face the challenges of making parliament work and contending with an army seeking a greater say in politics.
By late 2007 the CTG realised that reforms were easier to advocate than execute. Corruption had worsened despite its anti-graft campaign, and the political parties refused to undertake reforms or go to the polls without their jailed leaders. Faced with a failing reform agenda and declining popular support, the CTG was forced to abandon its “minus two” policy of sidelining the two major political parties’ leaders, Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia, and negotiate an exit strategy with the parties. Talks overcame many obstacles to elections contested by all the major parties, including the release of Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia, compulsory political party registration and the timing of the upazila (sub-district) polls. The upazila elections are slated for late January 2009, although their schedule is disputed.
The government has met many of the technical requirements to enhance poll credibility, but it has fallen short on several political conditions. New legislation aims to minimise the influence of ill-gotten wealth and a new electoral roll of over 80 million voters has been widely praised. However, a longstanding state of emergency curtailing fundamental rights, which may be lifted only after campaigning is under way, threatens the credibility of the election.
The political situation is complex and fragile. Bangladesh’s two largest political parties, the Awami League and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), are approaching the election from opposite positions. The Awami League, viewed as the frontrunner, is eager to contest the polls promptly and with few preconditions. The BNP is in disarray. The party threatened to boycott if emergency laws barring many of its members from standing in the election were not rescinded. BNP boycott threats have already forced one poll delay, and party leaders maintain a boycott is still an option if the state of emergency is not lifted by 17 December. If the election goes ahead without the BNP, its staunch ally and Bangladesh’s largest Islamist party, the Jamaat-e Islami, believes it could go it alone and run as the default option for Bangladeshis who would otherwise vote for the BNP.
A number of factors could adversely affect the elections and their aftermath. Although the election laws make electoral malpractice more difficult, the Election Commission (EC) has been reluctant to enforce them. Allegations of rigging could spark a party boycott or political violence; the continued emergency could prompt rejection of results. Technical flaws on election day with ballots or the voter roll could cause a delay or require re-polling in some areas. Islamist militants like the Jamaat’ul Mujahideen Bangladesh are still active, even in Dhaka, and pose a threat not only to the election but also to the country’s longer-term security.
Keeping the military in the barracks will require the new government and the opposition to seek accommodation with each other and the army. Dialogue with the CTG has demonstrated to the political parties that they can advance their interests through peaceful negotiations. If civilian rule is to succeed in Bangladesh, cooperation must be placed before confrontation. A return to zero-sum politics by the parties could be an excuse for the army step in yet again. Only Islamist forces stand to gain from another military government.
In terms of next steps: • The caretaker government should completely lift the state of emergency before the elections and refrain from issuing presidential ordinances that restrict the rights and freedoms necessary for credible democratic elections. • The Election Commission should appropriately enforce the election law and the election code of conduct; immediately initiate a public information campaign on voting procedures, in particular clarifying what identification is needed to vote; publish results in a timely and transparent fashion and at all levels of the election administration; and refrain from positioning security personnel in polling stations or in a manner that interferes with the election process. • Election observers should consider the impact of the state of emergency or any emergency provisions issued as presidential ordinances on poll credibility before issuing public statements. • The political parties should abide by the election laws; continue to seek solutions to electoral-related issues through peaceful negotiations with the CTG and other parties; and accept the election results if independent election observers deem the elections free and fair. • The international community should pressure all parties to play by the rules and accept the results, as well as encouraging the new government and parliament to continue institutional reforms. The European Union (EU) should consider Instrument for Stability funding to support such steps.
Published by International Crisis Group, Brussels, December 11, 2008
For full report as PDF file click:
http://www.crisisgroup.org/library/documents/asia/south_asia/b84_bangladesh___elections_and_beyond.pdf
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Friday, December 12, 2008
From military-controlled caretaker government to military-backed elected government
SALEEM SAMAD
THE DEVELOPMENT in politics might not be "proactive", out right contradicted by a media practitioner friend who conducted a political assessment of Bangladesh in November and returned to Ottawa, Canada. He does not hesitate to predict that politicking could be "provocative".
A spontaneous reaction came from my long-term outspoken friend while in transit at Bahrain airport. He reacted after he saw my comments in the Facebook. If I understood his assessment that the transition from army backed caretaker government, would in fact switch to "army backed" elected government of proportionate representations from four major parties and some “selected” individuals.
A former Mukti Bahini officer a popular political commentator living in exile in New York agrees with him, but fears that incidences of civil unrest will occur soon after lifting state of emergency on December 17. He wraps up his theory that it will be an ideal situation for continuation of military subjugation in Bangladesh.
Nonetheless I am thrilled that Bangladesh is in transition to democracy – after two years of military-controlled interim government. Well Bangladesh is familiar of being governed by military juntas twice since 1975.
Therefore, it is not a new era for most citizenry, albeit not for those born after 1990 or was too young to understand, when military rule apparently ended with a sigh of relief. Thus the end of military rule paved way for the country’s first free, fair and credible election under a caretaker government.
At last the 9th parliamentary election will be held in the end of this December in midst of widespread fear, suspicion and conspiracy theories among the general public, specially those living in abroad.
Suddenly the constitutional democratic process were aborted by military chief Lt. General Moeen U Ahmed after he installed an interim government and terminated the scheduled elections in January 2007.
He promised the nation that he would halt criminalisation of politics, punish corrupt citizens – specially those who plundered public wealth, bring about electoral, judiciary and civil administrative reforms, and stamp organised crime, gangsters and put behind bars all evil-doers.
My argument does include whether the current interim government is legitimate or illegal, so long as they are bonded in broader promises that they will hand over power to a democratically elected government.
Well in his two years tenure as de facto leader of the impoverished nation of 150 million, he had to admit his failure and realised that the country needs to be governed by politicians and parliament, not by military generals who have failed to understand the sentiment of the people.
Will the political parties get equal opportunity for level playing field, a fair play? Apparently it seems NO. The Election Commission backed out from the (reformed) rules. Whereas the EC compromised certain rules to accommodate scores of “unwanted” applications for nominations. On the other hand, rejected hundreds of applications on the ground of not been able to follow the EC rules.
In the unfair play of game of politics, the four mainstream political parties have agreed to “proportionate parliament” and share with scores of other independent members in the new parliament to ensure checks and balance, which the military would like to see.
The four mainstream political parties Bangladesh Awami League, Bangladesh Nationalists Party (BNP), Jatiya Party and Jamaat-e-Islami (sorry they have registered as Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami) and divided in two major political alliances. It is apparent that they have agreed on principle that they would share parliament by default thus keeping the militaries in good humour.
Of course General Moeen has in his mind that all the misdeeds and illegal activities of his interim government have committed need 9th parliament’s endorsement. On the other hand, he will not be happy if the parliament takes any attempt to pass any bills which will infringe his safe exit from the political, economic and administrative mess he has created.
He will also like to translate his dreams into reality through the incumbent parliament to pass the controversial National Security Council. Which most students of democratic accountability and democracy watchdogs have cautioned that the Turkish model of National Security Council would not at all be beneficial for transition to democracy and instead infringe the parliament’s power to scrutinise military activities. It will further institutionalise the military’s role in Bangladesh democratic process.
The pertinent question is will the parliament be sustainable? What most political observers is trying to fathom whether the parliament would need another election to restore democratic accountability and independence from the invisible military dictates. Possibly in another 12 months from now, Bangladesh would need another election to get out of this mess. It would be long way for Bangladesh to ensure democratic accountability, when the generals have an upper hand in state polity.
To conclude which political alliance will form the government? It all depends on who is not blaming General Moeen for their miseries of legal harassment and ordeal in prison. Any sorts of dissent will be punished by denial of their rightful share of the people’s mandate in the parliament, thus a faint chance of forming a national government.
Loser would those who question the legitimacy, criticise or accuse the interim government for conspiracy. In addition whoever is less outspoken or silent about conspiracy theories hatched by the kaki generals. #
Toronto, December 12, 2008
Saleem Samad, an Ashoka Fellow is a Bangladesh born journalist presently living in exile in Canada and specialises in conflict, terrorism, security and intelligence in South Asia. He served as Bangladesh correspondent for TIME Asia magazine, press watchdog Reporters Sans Frontières (RSF), Daily Times (Lahore), investigative news portal Telekha.com (New Delhi), and the Bangladesh Observer (Dhaka). He edits DurDesh.net streaming from Toronto, a news portal for South Asian Diaspora in North America. He could be reached at saleemsamad@hotmail.com
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Sunday, November 16, 2008
Will banning of media and cell phone lead to rigged election?
Dr. ABDUL MOMEN
THE BANGLADESH Election Commission (EC) the military-controlled care-taker government (CTG) have assured the nation that they plan to hold a ‘free, fair, non-violent, transparent and credible election on December 18, 2008’. However, how will they achieve such goal is still raises doubts as the procedures set up so far is still non-transparent and questionable. They said, ‘Don’t worry about the process--- just trust us’. Unfortunately, such promise doesn’t work more so in Bangladesh. In the history of Bangladesh, elections that were conducted by otherwise ‘able civil and military bureaucrats and judges’ in 1978, 1981, 1986, 1988 or February 15, 1996 and 2001 were mostly questionable and most of those elections were partly or wholly ‘rigged or doctored’. For example, in 1978, one of the most able Home Secretaries, an erstwhile CSP, Salahuddin Ahmed Chowdury delivered Gen Ziaur Rahman an overwhelming 98% votes by manipulating the ballots. When foreign media started questioning such result, General was shaken. Therefore, in his next election, he told his top bureaucrats not to make the result ‘unbelievable’. They followed his advice and he received 88% votes in his next election. The nation witnessed time and again similar election results delivered by our top bureaucrats. Each government assured the nation of a fair and transparent election but the end result was always ‘questionable’. Therefore, they instituted through mass movement a unique system in the world known as CTG, presumably a non-partisan non-political interim government whose only function is to deliver a ‘free, fair, non-violent, transparent and credible election’. Current Chief Election Commissioner and head of the CTG are both former CSPs like that of Salahuddin Ahmed and they are both non-political and non-partisan top notch bureaucrats. Let us hope that they would be different from their esteemed CSP colleague.
The officers of Bangladesh civil and military bureaucrats are the ‘cream of the society’ and they get all the privileges or cream of the government. Nevertheless their record of election delivery is very poor. None of them are wholly ‘fair, non-violent, transparent and credible’. Is it because their system is evil designed and mindset is corrupt? In 2001 election a privileged group of bureaucrats both civil and military headed by a judge secretly decided to deliver election victory to a specific party and in order to achieve it, among many others, the EC recruited a highly partisan group of Returning Officers (ROs or DCs), Presiding Officers (PrOs), Polling Officers (POs), Assistant Polling Officers (APOs), Police Officers (DIGs, SPs, OCs), etc. They were instructed to give victory to a certain party as Secretary Salahuddin did in 1978 and they delivered. However, in some pockets where they failed to manipulate or/and where voters ignored their threats and exercised their free will, they were butchered and massacred. For example, minority voters in Barisal and Faridpur were murdered and their homes were ransacked. Their women were raped. What a price to pay for exercising voting franchise!!! Recently nearly 123 million people voted in the U. S. President-elect Barack Obama got 65 million (53%) and his rival Senator John McCain received 57 million (46%) votes. It is said to have record voting, nearly 62% (in Bangladesh voting exceeds over 75% to 90% depending on bureaucrats). But none was butchered unlike Bangladesh. Not a single polling booth was taken over by goons or security forces, and no ballot stuffing occurred occupying the voting center unlike Bangladesh.
In Bangladesh election of 2001 in many areas, partisan group of security personnel went out and intimidated supporters of the party that they dislike. They arrested and paraded their leaders and in many cases, asked their supporters to pull down their campaign posters, flyers and also to close down their campaign offices. Being afraid, the party supporters and activists followed their orders. In addition, at times, both civil and military officials would take over certain polling centers for an hour or two and stuff ballot papers denying the actual voters to cast their votes. Such incidents could be reduced if there is full transparency. Unfortunately, the EC declared that ‘no media can report vote counting or election results directly from the voting centers prior to their manipulation’ and ‘no cell phones, no private or public automobiles’ will be allowed to operate on the Election Day. Third, political party activists are discouraged to transport voters to the polling booths. On the contrary, in USA, on Election Day, volunteers are especially encouraged to drive down voters to the polling booths and the media was free to report results on a continuing basis without soliciting approval of results from election officials. Therefore, critics argue that voting in USA is designed to solicit public opinion but voting in Bangladesh is designed to reinforce pre-determined goals.
Since Bangladesh infrastructure is primitive, road and river communication network is poor, even land phones are hardly reachable, in such environment, cell phones or mobiles are the best medium of communication. Secondly, since Bangladesh government officials generally suffer from a mindset of secrecy and dominance, and since many of them are highly corrupt, have poor ethical and moral values and easily get sold, denying media to broadcast the results or banning cell phones will surely open up scope for ‘rigging election result’. If there is any ‘takeover or seizure of polling centers by goons or military, Para-military or other security forces’, the public can report the incident right away through cell phones to superior authority for corrective actions or to the media and the election monitoring observers. Such facility can immensely help reduce the likelihood of ‘takeovers’ of polling centers, stuffing ballots and rigging the election. Unfortunately, the EC has banned its operation. The argument that they put up is very naïve and self defeating. They argue that the availability of Cell phone would assist the goons to coordinate takeover of polling centers and media reporting may not be accurate. They are partisan, not professional. The events of 2001 Election is still fresh in our minds. Bangladesh media reported the massacre of especially minority voters in Barisal and other districts. The government and its ‘cream of the society’ civil servants vehemently denied such looting and killing. It claimed that the media reports were false. Eventually as the international pressure mounted sanity prevailed and accepted the reality and the media was vindicated. In early 1990s when the U. S. Labor Dept was debating banning imports of garments and apparel from those countries that encourage or use child labor, the Bangladesh Foreign Secretary in a letter claimed that ‘there is no child labor in Bangladesh’. No one believed him and in fact, it earned poor image for Bangladesh. Similar government denial was observed when media reported the terrorist executions of Bangla Bhai and Sheikh Abdur Rahman, the jehadi terrorists. Not only that, whenever government is replaced these bureaucrats play the piper and often falsely develop stories and cases accusing people’s representatives.
The EC claims that if cell phones are allowed then goons can coordinate and take over polling centers. Who are those goons? No goon can sustain in Bangladesh without some support either from the Law Enforcing Authority or political power house. Arms combing operation by the CTG if done correctly prior to election, no private goon can sustain.
Thousands of highly well armed police, BDR, RAB, Para-military and smart military forces of Bangladesh are capable of maintaining law and order and they can also ensure safety and security of polling centers and ballots. It’s notorious Rapid Armed Battalions (RABs) well known for extra-judicial killing is capable of discharging their responsibilities or rushing to the troubled centers quickly. In the last Mayor election in Barisal under the current administration, when a group of partisan RABs were found involved in seizure of polling centers and stuffing of ballots, as the Cell phones were not banned, general public reported the incidents right away to the media and as the media rushed to the spots, that group of partisan RABs hurriedly left the venue. Thus they failed to stuff the ballot boxes. If illegal seizure or capturing of polling centers is not guaranteed, stuffing of ballot boxes is easy and likely. In such case, voter list with photo ID or not is irrelevant because those who will seize a center they can stamp the ballots and stuff them at ease. Such will not guarantee ‘credible election’. Therefore, cell phones and media must not be banned on the Election Day.
In 2001 election, when I reported to the local Military Chief about the incident that a group of partisan military personnel ransacked the election campaign offices of a candidate and intimidated his supporters plus put up nasty posters against a party leader, the Commanding Officer looked at his ledger and said ‘ military vehicles went out to that area’. However, he asked me to get the number plates of each vehicle and the badges of each personnel and officers. He stated, ‘they must have impersonated military personnel’. Unfortunately, people of Bangladesh who are always afraid of military or police or anyone with killer weapons hardly record those numbers. In another incident, when a polling center was taken over by a group of goons, it take me over 20 minutes just to get hold of a workable land phone since neither automobile nor rickshaws were available. When I could finally speak to a military Captain, the young duty officer, he immediately dispatched the forces but by the time they reached the spot, the goons stuff sufficient ballots and left the venue. If cell phones would have been allowed, both reporting and dispatch could be efficient and quick. It is sad that a small group of partisan and greedy security officials and bureaucrats deprive the public of a fair, free and transparent election for their personal gain and in the process they bring disgrace and bad name to the entire police, Para-military and armed forces of the country.
Secondly, if cell phones are allowed, the media can report the ballot counts of each center right away across the country and thus possibility of manipulation or doctoring of results which is common in Bangladesh could be minimized. In the last elections, in many areas people voted freely but when the ROs (DCs) and PrOs sent the ballot counts, they manipulated the results. The major vehicle of ‘rigging of election results’ in Bangladesh are not political parties or their supporters as the government often claims but actually a small group of greedy and partisan civil and military bureaucrats that conduct the elections in utmost secrecy both at the local level as well in the Center. Without active connivance of bureaucracy both military and civil, it is nearly impossible to rig an election. Therefore, it should be made ‘transparent’ at every level. Secondly, transparent procedure must be correctly set, debated and publicly discussed to achieve goals.
Bangladesh earned poor image of being the ‘number one corrupt country in the world’ consecutively for 5 years. The military controlled caretaker government and its all powerful Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) headed by a general tried to punish mostly political leaders selectively instead of aiming at rooting out corruption from the body politic and therefore, it did not work much. More importantly, neither people like Justice Abdul Aziz, the former Chief Election Commissioner nor his associates that defrauded the Voter List were punished for their ‘unethical and immoral corruption’. Neither government officials that were responsible for rigging past elections were charge-shitted for their poor performance. Therefore, it is not unlikely that the current election officials may follow their past tradition of doctoring the elections without public awareness and transparency.
Under the circumstances how can we ‘trust’ the current the EC of a fair election? In quality control, ‘trust me, my quality is number 1’ is not enough. Instead, experts have set up verifiable, tested and transparent ‘quality control mechanism and processes’ to achieve quality products or services. Edward Deming and Jurand, the gurus of quality control therefore set up a complete process of TQM, total quality management. Their process worked well. Following their prescriptions, U. S. Secretary of Commerce, Malcolm Baldridge created a Baldridge Award of Excellence. It has 1,000 points and these points are divided into various critical areas of quality assurance. Any company that meets those criteria is awarded Baldridge awards each year. Here process is more important. Such improved process assist in guaranteeing ‘quality product or service’ provided it is fully enforced and implemented. Neither the Election Commission nor the CTG could set up a ‘verifiable and transparent process of guaranteeing a free, fair, non-violent, transparent and credible election system yet in Bangladesh. Rather, their process is marred with secrecy, doubts and questionable set ups such as (1) non-withdrawal of state of emergency regulations, (2) banning of media reporting and (3) banning of cell phones. This is very sad indeed and such may deprive the nation of a ‘free, fair, non-violent, transparent and credible election’ in 2008. Therefore, if the EC and the CTG are sincere to hold a free, fair and credible election, they must withdraw their bans from cell phones, media coverage and emergency regulations. #
Dr Abdul Moment is Professor of Economics and Management, Boston, USA
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Saturday, November 15, 2008
Create Level Playing Field for Candidates for Change in Bangladesh
GOPAL SEN GUPTA
WHEN WE talk about electoral democracy we would be talking about democratic practices involved in a democratic election. Included within the framework are the fundamental political values, i.e. democracy, democratic practices & democratic Institutions, the rule of law, fundamental human rights and a just & honest electoral organisation. Like other organisations established in a democracy, the electoral organisation entrusted with the power to conduct elections should completely be committed to democracy and have the will to actively promote democratic ethics.
What we see from our present political scenario? The Awami League president had alleged a conspiracy was being hatched against the December 18 parliamentary polls and said the national elections must be held on the day for transition to democracy. National elections must be held on December 18 for transition to democracy and her party want acceptable elections in a free and fair manner which will be contested by all political parties. The Awami League president stressed the need for the establishment of an effective post-election parliament through which both the elected government and the opposition will play a positive role in running the country. On the other side, the Chairperson of the Bangladesh Nationalist party (BNP) expressed her concerns that the government has failed to create a promised level-playing field for all parties to contest the election, while the election commission seems favouring a certain group to clinch power. Analysts have said the participation of both major parties is crucial to ensure peaceful voting and a smooth return to democracy after nearly two years of rule by an army-backed interim government.
It is very important that the elections should be held in keeping with the schedule on December 18 for a democratically elected government which will, in fact, reflect the wishes of the people, a foreign diplomat said. He thinks that is a vision for the future that my sense is shared by everybody in this country. Asked about the BNP’s unwillingness to contest the elections, he said the BNP must make the decision on the matter. But from his perspective as a high commissioner of a country, he has very much hope that they will have the widest possible participation in this election. Other foreign diplomats hoped that all political parties will be able to participate in the election to compete in a free and fair manner to democratically elect a government. About the BNP’s allegation of absence of a level playing field for fair polls, one foreign diplomat said it is the matter of the caretaker government to discuss with all political parties and expressed that of course, everyone in this country wants to see free and fair elections and all political parties have equal opportunities to participate and campaign for the elections
Democratic ethics have ideally been outlined by the various international conventions. The adoptions of some of the fundamental elements found in the guidelines would help to establish some kind of electoral standard which enjoys not only the broad support of the people but also most importantly the attainment of a standard that is internationally recognised. To determine where exactly we are with international standard, we would have to examine the legal framework governing democratic elections in the country. There is no ‘best’ electoral system suitable to all and no universally recognised standard attached to any one of them. The choice of electoral system needs to be made with desired goals in mind. It must be understood by all that the effect which different kinds of electoral system can promote are ultimately contextual and depend on the specific cleavages and divisions within any given society.
Choosing an electoral system is one of the most important institutional decisions for any democracy. An electoral system can help to “engineer” specific outcomes such as encouraging co-operation and accommodation in a divided society, a point very much relevant to independent Bangladesh in its infant stage by which cleavages and divisions are reduced significantly through co-operation and accommodation among the society divided with race, religion, culture as well as geopolitical environment at that particular point of time. The International Handbook on electoral system specifically mentioned that in the choice of an electoral system an important consideration is whether a country is sharply divided along political, religious, ethnic or other lines and whether minorities are, in the process, going to be properly and equitably represented in the political system.
The choice of the electoral system within the context of a particular country can make a significant positive or negative impact on the electoral fortunes of the various political contenders. As far as we are concerned the simple system chosen had seen the negative impact on parties which failed to gain popularity (in term of seats obtained) and had even disappeared from the political scene. On the other hand there are parties whose leaders have been far sighted enough to undertake policy of accommodation and co-operation and had continued to gain seats (and power) devoid of any prospect of being wiped out of the political scene at all. In spite of these difficulties the EC has been in complete control and has done very well in vital areas pertaining to the actual electoral conduct and process, e.g. Nomination, Poll, the Count and the pronouncement of results. Complete transparency has been achieved in those areas even though in carrying out those functions the EC has to rely on the honesty and impartiality of government officials. In general government officials, in terms of accountability, owe their loyalty to the government of the day.
Earning the confidence of the people is considered the most challenging task for the Commission. So far so good. For the past general elections we have managed to earn that credit. On the other hand it is also a completely challenging task for the Commission to earn and maintain the confidence of the opposition parties especially when all the time they harbour a sense of complete distrust for the government and collaterally for the Commission. Ironically what ever the Commission does has always’ been quaintly seen as working towards maintaining favourable conditions for the government and of course for the present caretaker government in power. What is considered completely fair sometimes are pronounced as unfair and the built-in advantages enjoyed by the party in power and a complete manipulation of those advantages would during critical time completely wipe out any shred of confidence they may have over the whole system and the agency in charge.
When we talk about election management with international standards, it is important that the legal framework on election should be so structured as to be unambiguous, understandable, transparent and should address all components of an electoral system necessary to ensure democratic election. What is really important to our nation is the necessary components in the law which will enhance the credibility of and public confidence in the elections. The legitimacy of the government established under the system should not at all be subject to any form of post election outcry and examinations.How does a member of the public view somebody's’ statement which says that determining the mode of campaign as none of the EC’s business. What exactly are we expected to do during the time when with the conduct of a democratic election, democratic rules appear to indicate that freedom to campaign can be considered the most important element in the election process. Which other ways can EC earn the confidence of the people other than being judged on our performance in the conduct of a free and fair election.
I believe that all aspects of the electoral Commissions’ establishment, composition, status and functions are relevant to the question of transparency in the electoral process. In term of the International standards and guideline, the legal framework should require that the Commission be established and should operate in a manner that ensures the independent and impartial administration of elections.As for the electoral management system we are quite close to the internationally recognised electoral standards. In Bangladesh the legal framework on election will provide the important elements for the establishment a strong electoral management process and mechanism but yet the overall framework clearly does not provide sufficient rooms for the Commission to manoeuvre and place itself completely in a commanding position to set up a completely level playing field during the election period.
When we talk about election management with international standards, it is important that the legal framework on election should be so structured as to be unambiguous, understandable, transparent and should address all components of an electoral system necessary to ensure democratic election. How does a member of the public view somebody's’ statement which says that determining the mode of campaign as none of the EC’s business. What exactly are we expected to do during the time when in terms of the conduct of a democratic election, democratic rules appear to indicate that freedom to campaign can be considered the most important element in the election process. Which other ways can we earn the confidence of the people other than being judged on our performance in the conduct of a free and fair election.
When we talk about democratic electoral process, we always hear people mentioning about the need for a level playing field. The expression “level playing field, according to electoral guidelines required the fair application of the following to all political parties.
• All rules and regulations
• Freedom to campaign by all means available (Democratic electoral campaign)
• Access to the state owned media to explain program to electorate
• Free to consult the election management team (Access to Electoral Commission)
• Can participate, where necessary, in election preparatory process, or
• Can participate in observing that all procedures are being properly applied.
Level playing field is a necessary ingredient of a free and fair election although no one with enough experience in the conduct of election will ever subscribe to the view that an absolute equality can be achieved between the contending parties.
Built in advantages enjoyed by the party in power in Bangladesh are many, including the right to call the shots, publicity over policy announcements and most of other public related exposures, including the support the ruling party may enjoy from a large number of privately owned media bodies which consider as being the major obstacles to the establishment of a playing field considered level in our election
Election is a festival of democracy. It fosters an inclusive state, democracy rooted in popular sovereignty and sustainable peace and tests the competitive strength of political parties and leaders through program and ideologies. In this context, it is important for the Nepalese press to keep the hope of citizens alive and kicking by serving key roles in democratic initiatives, democratic consolidation, democratic expansion and democratic deepening. Truly independent press spreads democratic ideology and plays an important role in the maintenance of the democratic system. It signifies a program of public rationality and a voice of the voiceless.
Since print and electronic media are the prime channels of transmitting electoral messages, politics in Bangladesh will be played out increasingly in communicative space. Press can contribute to ease the nation's transition process by creating election-friendly environment, democratising the public sphere and legitimising political initiatives. In Bangladesh, politicians talk more to the press than among themselves. It is the press that shapes their overall cognitive understanding about politics. A strong identification of citizens with political parties steered by the press provides greater motivation to vote and engage in politics. But, party is only a part of society, not the whole. Press can play an important role to make democracy for everybody by reaching to even the passive and alienated populace and sensitising them on public questions. By providing critical information responsible press nurtures an informed society capable of making vital choices in the election process and contributing towards the emancipatory potential of rationality embodied in participatory democracy. #
Gopal Sengupta is a freelance writer based in Canada who can be reached at: gopalsengupta@aol.com
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Sunday, November 02, 2008
Bangladeshi Voting Fever in the Boroughs
Bangladesh Society of New York puts your election obsession to shame
ELIZABETH DWOSKIN
An election was about to be committed on American soil—no, not the one happening next week, the one that should result in a huge turnout by American standards, but will, inevitably, only rouse a minority of adult Americans to polling places. No, this was another kind of election entirely, one that involved people whose passion for politics is completely alien to the native-born of this country.
IN THE dead silence of a Sunday morning, hours before the crowds arrived, Chad Mia, a former manager at a Sbarro franchise, rode his truck full of milky sweet tea, stewed chickpeas, and lentil cakes through an industrial section of Queens. It was 2 a.m. He curled up in the front seat to catch a few hours of sleep. He wanted to guard both his spot from the other vendors that would arrive later on that day and something that was perhaps even more important: a large hanging banner that bore the face of a man named Mohammed Aziz, his favorite candidate. He feared the banner might be taken down during the night.
By 8 a.m., the sidewalks were bustling with people and television cameras from eight different stations; bejeweled women in brightly colored saris and men in suits were locked in noisy debate. Campaign staffers lined the block with tables and folding chairs. To get to the polling precinct—a warehouse called the "Queens Palace"—voters pushed through a narrow aisle of people who shoved flyers in their faces and shouted all at once.
So much clamor, and the actual voting wasn't set to begin for another two hours—for all the politicking and arguing and debate, these people were only casting ballots for the officers of a nonprofit organization.
The election of the Bangladesh Society of New York is one of the most festive days of the year for local immigrants. Voters, most of whom are noncitizens, are obsessed with the electoral process. "It's like Diwali!" one man said, referring to the Hindu festival of light that's happening in Jackson Heights this week. As in the presidential election, the same issues had come up: economic insecurity, voting fraud, and the charisma of the candidates.
An election commissioner, Sayed Tipu Sultan, wearing a ribbon with the words "Commissioner of Elections" pinned to his blazer, buzzed about confidently, maintaining order. "This is going to be a very hard-fought election," he announced. "Both parties are very strong."
He barked into a BlackBerry and took a moment to talk to the television cameras. Nearly 13,000 people were registered to vote. They would make their way to four other precincts—in nearby Jamaica and Ozone Park, in the Bronx, and in Brooklyn.
Everything was running smoothly, he said, but that hasn't always been the case. "Whenever a party lost an election, he would file a petition to the court," Sultan said. "You know, just to play around a little bit."
One man, who called himself a campaign manager, was manning a table on the sidewalk. "Our panel is the very best panel!" he yelled, pushing a flyer with his slate of candidates—all on the Aziz team—into people's faces as they walked by.
People seemed to be in high spirits, and they had reason to be happy. Just two days earlier, a district court judge had dismissed a lawsuit against the popular Aziz, a wealthy contractor who was seeking a three-year term as president of the Society. The plaintiffs in the suit—from his political opposition—had alleged that Aziz paid the registration fees, at $20 each, for hundreds of people. That allegation did turn out to be partially true (Aziz insists that he paid for only a handful of people)—but, the court found, it was well within the rules set out by the society's official election commission.
The rules required no financial disclosures, but it was rumored that Aziz had spent half a million dollars of his own money on his campaign (Aziz later said it was only $300,000), and he was heavily favored to win.
"When we have a candidate, we support him with our heart and soul," said Mia. "We support him with money, plus energy. We support this guy because he will bring us into mainstream American politics. He will be our voice!"
Just weeks before, Mia had lost his job as a manager at a Sbarro restaurant on Canal Street. Business was down 40 percent. The job market in New York is very bad, he explained. Since he lost his job, he's been working as a street vendor in Jackson Heights. The election, he pointed out, is itself an economic engine for the struggling community (Sultan says it costs about $100,000 to run). Mia was hoping the charitable Aziz would set up job-training programs if he was elected president.
Aziz, who is based in Bed-Stuy, builds affordable housing in Brooklyn, Queens, and the Bronx. He was running on a platform of building a community center, fixing immigration problems, and finding jobs for Bangladeshis.
People lined up to enter the precinct, showing IDs at the door. The machines were the same ones used by the city. Poll workers checked people's last names and sent them to the proper booth to vote, each of which was guarded by a beefy African-American man wearing a black SECURITY T-shirt. The security men checked the levers on the machines to ensure that nobody voted twice.
Most people had no trouble using the machines—Aziz had sponsored training workshops a few weeks earlier.
Outside, the security guards ushered people off the sidewalk, appearing more like bouncers at a nightclub than supervisors of an election. (At one point, even the election commissioner himself was told to clear the area.) Armed plainclothes NYPD officers were also standing by.
"We are born into politics," said Mia, adding that Bangladeshis love Barack Obama. "It's the way we grow up—politics, politics," he said. "Americans don't seem to care that much."
Few people, however, could name the Bangladesh Society's accomplishments during the previous year.
"For hundreds of years, we were suppressed by the Dutch. And then by the British. And we fought them! But nobody could rule us forever. We really like to get involved to change our fate," said commissioner Sultan. He paused a moment, and then noted that in Bangladesh itself, the political system is woefully corrupt. "But it never changes that much."
After the votes were counted, Aziz had won by a 75 percent margin.
"I never thought I was actually that popular," he said a few days after the raucous day of voting. "It's unbelievable. I just couldn't believe how much people like me." #
First published in Village Voice, October 29, 2008
Posted by Saleem Samad at 1:47 PM 0 comments Links to this post
Saturday, October 18, 2008
Religious extremists shouldn’t be encouraged
RIPAN KUMAR BISWAS
THIS IS absolutely shocking news. Government pulled down the sculptures in the face of pressure from a group of obscurantist Islamists.
There was an international outcry, when the Taliban destroyed two Buddhist statues including others in Afghanistan in the spring of 2001.The two statues in Bamiyan, 175 and 120 feet tall, were hewn from the side of a mountain. The largest, carved in the third century AD, was thought to be the world's tallest standing Buddha. But the then Islamist Taliban government decreed that the statues, which had survived for over 1,500 years, were idolatrous and un-Islamic.
After seven years, everyone who witnessed and came across the news, was surprised and incensed when the military-controlled interim government of Bangladesh was forced to pull down a monument of bauls (folk singers) on the roundabout at Zia International Airport in Dhaka.
As part of the city beautification programme and to uphold the rich Bangladeshi heritage, the Dhaka City Corporation decided to erect a monument in front of the airport so that each and every foreigner along with other local countrymen could know the rich baul tradition of Bangladesh. According to the sculpture Mrinal Haque, the sculptures of five bauls holding ektaras were about to finish as eighty percent of the work had been completed, but the Muslim bigots were able to force the authorities and took part the demolition job on Wednesday, October 15, 2008.
Heritage is our legacy from the past, what we live with today, and what we pass on to future generations. Our cultural and natural heritages are both irreplaceable sources of life and inspiration. Cultural heritage is based on aspects of our past that we want to keep, appreciate and pass on to future generations. These elements reflect our history, and can evoke special meaning for us as individuals or as members of a community.
The culture of Bangladesh has a unique history, dating back more than 2500 years ago. It has evolved over the centuries, and encompasses the cultural diversity of several social groups of Bangladesh. There is an enormous amount of influence of folklore in the old and modern Bengali literature. Baul songs, the mystic folk songs of Bangladesh can be compared with any other of the world rich in folklore. Bauls constitute both a syncretic religious sect and a musical tradition used as a vehicle to express Baul thought. Bauls are a very heterogeneous group, with many different streams to the sect, but their membership mainly consists of Vaishnavite Hindus and Sufi Muslims. Baul songs always propagate humanism and tolerance.
During Pakistan period, cultural struggle for national identity of Bangladeshi, starting from language movement of 1952, has always been integral part of national struggle. As a result, struggle of Bangladeshi people from language movement of 1952 to armed resistance in 1971, lead to emergence of Bangladesh as secular democratic nation in the world.
The religious extremism has been growing in Bangladesh for decades now. Although these forces were put in total disarray after their defeat in 1971, they have managed to regroup due to subsequent political patronage. They were further helped in their revival by the confrontationist politics of Bangladesh. The recent demolition of those sculptures is not only an example of destroying the secular fabric of Bangladesh’s tolerant heritage but also a slap on humanity and one of its superheroes. And the worst part of it is that the extremists were able to force the government to fulfill their fundamental ideologies. Like its predecessors, this incident raised the question about the present government's commitment to protecting Bangladeshi culture, upholding non-communal spirit and democratic values.
Protesters from other side including freedom fighters, educationists, cultural activists, politicians and general people, who believe there is a conspiracy against the country's Liberation War, culture and its secularist character, are raising voice to secure the country’s secularism, but the extremists seem more strong as no one with authority is ready to stop patronizing obscurantism and bigotry and to realize the idiocy of this kind of action. "We will not accept anything but a hajj minar at that place and its design must be finalized upon our consent within October 23," said Mufti Nur Hossain, Committee Chairman of Bimanbandar Golchattar Murti Protirodh Committee after succeeding in demolition. The bigots further demanded the immediate release of Mahbub Jamil, special assistant to the chief adviser, for taking initiative to erect the sculptures.
These obscurantist were succeeded to send Arifur Rahman to behind bars, cartoonist of daily Prothom Alo for drawing a cartoon which according to them was against the spirit of Islam whereas a similar piece of cartoon was published in one of their mouthpiece magazine (Kishore Kantha by Chattra Shibir, November 1998 issue), but none of Islamists groups did utter a single word against that cartoon. Matiur Rahman, editor of Prothom Alo and recipient of the 2005 Ramon Magsaysay Award for journalism, had to offered unqualified public apology more than once and appealed to the agitating Islamists for compassion.
Even a similar group of extremists recently forced the government to review and amend the sections of a drafted women development policy 2008, which ensure equal rights for women under the law. On October 17, 2008, a new fresh threat came when chairman of a faction of Islami Oikya Jote Fazlul Haq Amini declared that all statues in different places of the country would be pulled down if Islamists would come to power. He pronounced Shikha Onirban, the eternal flame in Dhaka Cantonment in memory of the military personnel martyred in the liberation war, is an anti-Islamic symbol. Every time they were gathered in such an organized way, particularly under emergency where all the democratic forces are barred to conduct overt political activities, to advance their common obscurantist politics, which eventually aims at setting up of theocratic state in Bangladesh.
Bangladesh is a moderate Muslim democratic country, but this type of activities may tarnish the secular image of Bangladesh as fundamentalism is the belief in absolute religious authority and the demand that this religious authority be legally enforced. Fundamentalism is the product of a clash between religious belief and the ‘modernity’ of the society. The clash is based on fear – fear that the secularized nature of society will lead to the destruction of their religion and seduce them and their loved ones to the path leading to Hell . . . and leave them bereft of meaning and hope in this life. Fundamentalism is incompatible with democracy. Democracy is based on the belief that people with radically different beliefs and cultures can live together in peace if they respect each other’s right to disagree. As Bangladesh is heading towards democratic transition this December, its cultural heritages, social values and secularism must be maintained.
We believe that the present government is very much concerned about these extremists’ activities and determine to keep peace and harmony in the society in any way, but as long as the concern of spirit of the birth of Bangladesh, any such extremists shouldn’t be encouraged or tolerated so that they can able to deter the democratic norms of Bangladesh. #
First published on October 18, 2008, New York
Ripan Kumar Biswas (Ripan.Biswas@yahoo.com) is a freelance writer based in New York
Posted by Saleem Samad at 12:23 PM 0 comments Links to this post
Jamaat's politics of hatemongering, discrimination and violence
A.B. M. NASIR
Those who led the bleeding of innocent civilians, raping of women must be tried: we must compel the government to bring the collaborators to justice. The future of liberty, democracy, peace and stability in Bangladesh largely depends on the trial of the perpetrators of the genocide in 1971. We must resist any attempt by the government and/or any interest group to legitimise Jamaat's politics of hatred, violence, and discrimination in our democratic process
WHEN KARL Rueger, an ultranationalist renowned for his hatred against the ethnic and religious minority and abhorrence for individual liberty, won the mayoral election of Vienna, Austria in 1895, it shook the foundation of emerging liberty in Europe (Fareed Zakaria, 2003, The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy at Home and Abroad, p59-60). The emperor Franc Joseph I of Habsburg, fearing that Rueger's induction would jeopardise the future of liberty, refused to recognise him as the elected mayor. Despite his indignation, the emperor eventually had to submit to the choice of majority and recognise Rueger as the mayor. Much later the emperor's fear was vindicated. The emperor had rightly feared that Rueger's intention, as ingrained in his ideology, was not to promote the virtues of democracy and liberty but to exploit the democratic process to promote his ultra-nationalism. Rueger's induction later led to the ascent of the Fascists and the Nazis, respectively, to the Italian and German political powers as organised minority albeit through democratic election.
The Fascists (1922-1943) and the Nazis' (1933-1945) ascent to the political powers can be attributed, inter alia, to three important factors: (i) the failure of the political establishments in Italy and Germany to live up to the expectation of the people; (ii) the rise of ultra-nationalism; and (iii) the activism of the extremely organised propaganda machines and dedicated foot soldiers deployed by both the Fascists and the Nazis to undermine the credibility of the politicians and dismantle the political establishments.
Once ascended to power, both the Fascists and the Nazis continued their onslaught on individual liberty and democratic institutions. They unleashed the infamous Black Shirts and Gestapo to suppress the voices of freedom. About 20 years of Fascist rule in Italy and 12 years of Nazi rule in Germany ended up with the greatest human disaster in history, the World War II, which annihilated 50 million people across the world including the massacre of six million Jews by the Nazis.
The turn of the event in the history now proves that Karl Rueger, who abhorred individual liberty, democratic values, religious harmony and diversity, should never have been allowed to participate in the democratic process in the first place.
In Bangladesh, Jamaat-e-Islami is the reincarnation of the Fascists of Italy and the Nazis of Germany. Its antipathy like that of Karl Rueger toward democracy and liberty, its penchant for organised violence similar to those of Black Shirts and Gestapo, and its discriminatory principles against religious minority like that of Nazis are causes for serious concern. The reasons that should have prohibited Karl Rueger from participating in the democratic process equally apply to Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh. At least four compelling reasons would justify why Jamaat must be rejected from participating in the democratic process. These reasons are as follows.
First, Jamaat-e-Islami doesn't believe in democracy or any form of godless materialism. The excerpt 'Muslims who form the overwhelming majority will not tolerate secularism, socialism, capitalism or godless materialism' (Abbas Ali Khan, Jamaat-e-Islami's views on defence of Bangladesh, p4) bears testimony to this effect. A political party or any organization which doesn't believe in democracy must be cast out from the democratic process.
Second, Jamaat's view on political participation is discriminatory. Once ascended to political power, Jamaat will not hesitate to restrict or even deny the rights of religious minorities and women, thereby degrading their status to second-class citizens. This fear is rightly justified when one reads the following passage extracted from the article 'An Introduction to the Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh'. The passage reads: 'Any sane and adult person can become a Member of the Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh if he or she accepts the basic creed of the Jamaat-e-Islami as his or her own creed, accepts the aims and objects of the Jamaat-e-Islami as his or her own aims and objects, pledges to fulfil the demands of the constitution of the Jamaat-e-Islami, performs the obligatory duties ordained by Islam' (An Introduction to Jamaat-e-Islami; http://dailyalochona.blogspot.com/2008/10/mukto-mona-why-jamaat-e-islami-shouldnt.html, p2). Jamaat's creed being the belief in Islam, for any non-Muslim aspiring to hold political office under Jamaat's hegemony must submit to the creed of Jamaat-e-Islami. Such membership criterion is discriminatory, exclusive and unconstitutional. Any form of forced exclusion is anti-democratic. And, by requiring individuals to submit to the belief of any particular religion to be eligible to participate in the political process is against the country's constitution. Therefore, Jamaat is working against the constitution and must not be allowed to participate in the political process.
Third, Jamaat's ultra-nationalistic view is anti-democratic and is a threat to the regional peace and stability. Jamaat's ultra-nationalistic view, similar to those of Karl Rueger, Mussolini and Hitler, is reflected in the statement 'the psychology of the defence forces in Bangladesh must be anti-Indian' (Abbas Ali Khan, Jamaat-e-Islami's views on defence of Bangladesh, p4). Such jingoistic attitude is a serious threat to the regional peace and stability of South Asia.
Fourth, in 1971, Jamaat not only opposed to the creation of Bangladesh, but it collaborated with the Pakistani army in perpetrating one of the worst genocides in the world history. Jamaat's crime against humanity led to the death of three million civilians and rape of more than 200,000 women and destruction of billions of dollars worth of properties. It's leadership including Golam Azam, Motiur Rahman Nizami, Ali Ahsan Mujahidi, Kamaruzzam, Delawar Hossain Saidi have never been tried in the court of law for committing such a heinous crime. Nor have they ever apologised for their opposition to the creation of Bangladesh. In contrast, they are thriving and constantly resorting to shenanigans to rub their dirty and bloody hands off their complicity in the crime against humanity and treacherous acts against the creation of Bangladesh. On October 28, 2006, the way few hundred armed Jamaat cadres stood up against thousands of angry opposition activists can be reminiscent of the way a few members of the black shirts used to dismantle political rallies during the Fascist rule in Italy. The thousands of rounds of bullets that came out of the guns of Jamaat cadres on that day indicates how ferocious Jamaat's foot soldiers can get, even today, to protect their fervent belief from being strolled or discredited.
All these indicate that hatemongering, discrimination, and violence have always been the principle strategies of Jamaat's politics to rise to political office. A political party whose strategy and politics is based on such principles is anti-democratic and must be rejected.
If we are to learn any lessons from the consequences of the Fascist and Nazi rules, then, to protect democracy and liberty, we must stop the recurrence of the same in Bangladesh. We must constantly remind citizens of the country that Bangladesh is born out of the sacrifice of millions. Those who led the bleeding of innocent civilians, raping of women must be tried: we must compel the government to bring the collaborators to justice. The future of liberty, democracy, peace and stability in Bangladesh largely depends on the trial of the perpetrators of the genocide in 1971. We must resist any attempt by the government and/or any interest group to legitimise Jamaat's politics of hatred, violence, and discrimination in our democratic process. If we fail to resist the Jamaatification of the institutions of the country, Bangladesh will fall into the grip of the forces of darkness of middle age. #
ABM Nasir (nasnc@yahoo.com) teaches economics at North
Friday 12 December 2008
BANGLADESH ELECTION 2008
BANGLADESH ELECTION 2008 TAFSHIL RE-DECLARED (23 nov 2008)
9TH NATIONAL ELECTION 2008 SCHEDULE
Last Date of Submission of Nomination Papers: 30 November 2008 (Sunday)Dates of Scrutiny of Nomination Papers: 3 and 4 December 2008 (Wednesday & Thursday)Last Date of Withdrawal of Nomination Papers: 11 December 2008 (Thursday)Election Date: 29 December 2008 (Monday)
3RD UPAZILLA ELECTION 2009 SCHEDULE
Last Date of Submission of Nomination Papers: 13 December 2008 (Saturday)Dates of Scrutiny of Nomination Papers: 17,18 and 19 December 2008 (Wednesday,Thursday,Friday))Last Date of Withdrawal of Nomination Papers: 31 December 2008 (Wednesday)Election Date: 22 January 2009 (Thursday)
Speech of Election Chief Election Commissioner (3 nov 2008)
BANGLADESH ELECTION 2008 USEFUL INFORMATION
Number of Voter: 8,11,30,973 (As on 14 October 2008)
RESULT OF CITY CORPORATION ELECTION 2008
Khulna
Barisal
Rajshahi
Sylhet
Updated result on Khulna City Corporation Election 2008:Total Vote Center: 239
NO
Candidate Name
Mark
Vote
1
Talukdar Abdul Khaleque
Chair
157,812
2
Mohammad Moniruzzaman
Anaras
131,976
3
M.Firoz Ahmed
Chata
14,223
4
Md.Enayet Ali
Rikshaw
3,077
5
S.M.Moslem Uddin Ahmed
Doat Kolom
1,027
6
Shekh Taiebur Rahman
Mach
589
Updated result on Barishal City Corporation Election 2008:Total Vote Center: 91
NO
Candidate Name
Mark
Vote
1
Md.Shawkat Hossain
Television
46,796
2
Shordar Shorfuddin Ahmed
Chata
46,208
3
Md.Ahsan Habib Kamal
Deal Ghori
26,416
4
Md.Ebaidul Huq Chan
Jahaz
19,626
5
Md.Enayet Pir Khan
Mach
2,114
6
Abul Kalam Azad
Rickshaw
885
7
Syed Abdullah Shahid
Chair
807
8
Adv.Kabiruddin Hannu
Anaras
672
9
Md.Rafiqul Islam (Rasel)
Telephone
281
10
Adv.Md.Johurul Huq
Doat Kolom
148
Updated result on Rajshahi City Corporation Election 2008:Total Vote Center: 131
NO
Candidate Name
Mark
Vote
1
A.H.M.Khairuzzaman Liton
Tala
98,360
2
Md.Mossadek Hossain
Bagh
74,550
3
Md.Rezaunnabi (Dudu)
Cup Pirich
12,721
4
Md.Siddikur Rahman
Mach
9,406
5
Md.Masudul Huq (Dulu)
Rickshaw
5,404
6
Md.Durul Huda
Doat Kolom
1,789
7
Md.Raihanur Rahman
Anaras
1,457
8
Md.Abdul Matin Khan
Chaka
1,161
9
Nasir Ahammed
Chair
1,008
10
Akhtaruzzaman Bablu
Television
883
11
Md.Enamul Huq
Deal Ghori
841
12
Md.Ruhul Kuddus Tunu
Chata
404
13
Md.Abul Kalam Azad
Table
376
14
Md.Forman Ali
Hash
351
15
Md.Abdul Khaleque
Jahaz
299
Updated result on Sylhet City Corporation Election 2008:Total Vote Center: 120
NO
Candidate Name
Mark
Vote
1
Badruddin Ahmed (Kamran)
Anaras
115,436
2
A.F.M.Kamal
Television
32,097
3
Abdul Huq (M.A.Huq)
Mach
23,487
4
Baburul Hossain Babul
Rickshaw
3,692
5
Alhaz Ma.Md.Shirajul Islam
Doat Kolom
2,565
6
Md.Kunu Mia
Bagh
2,369
7
Abdul Mukit Khan
Chata
2,077
8
Abdus Samad Nazrul
Tala
947
9
Syed Muhibur Rahman
Chaka
944
10
Syed Ali Afsar
Table
848
11
Dr.Kazi Kamal Ahmad
Chair
730
12
Md.Salahuddin Romin
Deyal Ghori
470
13
Bashir Ahmed
Hash
396
14
Syed Habibur Rahman
Chawshma
354
15
M.Kutubuddin Ahmed
Cup Pirich
207** BGDPORTAL does not gurantee the information pr
9TH NATIONAL ELECTION 2008 SCHEDULE
Last Date of Submission of Nomination Papers: 30 November 2008 (Sunday)Dates of Scrutiny of Nomination Papers: 3 and 4 December 2008 (Wednesday & Thursday)Last Date of Withdrawal of Nomination Papers: 11 December 2008 (Thursday)Election Date: 29 December 2008 (Monday)
3RD UPAZILLA ELECTION 2009 SCHEDULE
Last Date of Submission of Nomination Papers: 13 December 2008 (Saturday)Dates of Scrutiny of Nomination Papers: 17,18 and 19 December 2008 (Wednesday,Thursday,Friday))Last Date of Withdrawal of Nomination Papers: 31 December 2008 (Wednesday)Election Date: 22 January 2009 (Thursday)
Speech of Election Chief Election Commissioner (3 nov 2008)
BANGLADESH ELECTION 2008 USEFUL INFORMATION
Number of Voter: 8,11,30,973 (As on 14 October 2008)
RESULT OF CITY CORPORATION ELECTION 2008
Khulna
Barisal
Rajshahi
Sylhet
Updated result on Khulna City Corporation Election 2008:Total Vote Center: 239
NO
Candidate Name
Mark
Vote
1
Talukdar Abdul Khaleque
Chair
157,812
2
Mohammad Moniruzzaman
Anaras
131,976
3
M.Firoz Ahmed
Chata
14,223
4
Md.Enayet Ali
Rikshaw
3,077
5
S.M.Moslem Uddin Ahmed
Doat Kolom
1,027
6
Shekh Taiebur Rahman
Mach
589
Updated result on Barishal City Corporation Election 2008:Total Vote Center: 91
NO
Candidate Name
Mark
Vote
1
Md.Shawkat Hossain
Television
46,796
2
Shordar Shorfuddin Ahmed
Chata
46,208
3
Md.Ahsan Habib Kamal
Deal Ghori
26,416
4
Md.Ebaidul Huq Chan
Jahaz
19,626
5
Md.Enayet Pir Khan
Mach
2,114
6
Abul Kalam Azad
Rickshaw
885
7
Syed Abdullah Shahid
Chair
807
8
Adv.Kabiruddin Hannu
Anaras
672
9
Md.Rafiqul Islam (Rasel)
Telephone
281
10
Adv.Md.Johurul Huq
Doat Kolom
148
Updated result on Rajshahi City Corporation Election 2008:Total Vote Center: 131
NO
Candidate Name
Mark
Vote
1
A.H.M.Khairuzzaman Liton
Tala
98,360
2
Md.Mossadek Hossain
Bagh
74,550
3
Md.Rezaunnabi (Dudu)
Cup Pirich
12,721
4
Md.Siddikur Rahman
Mach
9,406
5
Md.Masudul Huq (Dulu)
Rickshaw
5,404
6
Md.Durul Huda
Doat Kolom
1,789
7
Md.Raihanur Rahman
Anaras
1,457
8
Md.Abdul Matin Khan
Chaka
1,161
9
Nasir Ahammed
Chair
1,008
10
Akhtaruzzaman Bablu
Television
883
11
Md.Enamul Huq
Deal Ghori
841
12
Md.Ruhul Kuddus Tunu
Chata
404
13
Md.Abul Kalam Azad
Table
376
14
Md.Forman Ali
Hash
351
15
Md.Abdul Khaleque
Jahaz
299
Updated result on Sylhet City Corporation Election 2008:Total Vote Center: 120
NO
Candidate Name
Mark
Vote
1
Badruddin Ahmed (Kamran)
Anaras
115,436
2
A.F.M.Kamal
Television
32,097
3
Abdul Huq (M.A.Huq)
Mach
23,487
4
Baburul Hossain Babul
Rickshaw
3,692
5
Alhaz Ma.Md.Shirajul Islam
Doat Kolom
2,565
6
Md.Kunu Mia
Bagh
2,369
7
Abdul Mukit Khan
Chata
2,077
8
Abdus Samad Nazrul
Tala
947
9
Syed Muhibur Rahman
Chaka
944
10
Syed Ali Afsar
Table
848
11
Dr.Kazi Kamal Ahmad
Chair
730
12
Md.Salahuddin Romin
Deyal Ghori
470
13
Bashir Ahmed
Hash
396
14
Syed Habibur Rahman
Chawshma
354
15
M.Kutubuddin Ahmed
Cup Pirich
207** BGDPORTAL does not gurantee the information pr
BANGLADESH ELECTION
BANGLADESH ELECTION 2008 TAFSHIL RE-DECLARED (23 nov 2008)
9TH NATIONAL ELECTION 2008 SCHEDULE
Last Date of Submission of Nomination Papers: 30 November 2008 (Sunday)Dates of Scrutiny of Nomination Papers: 3 and 4 December 2008 (Wednesday & Thursday)Last Date of Withdrawal of Nomination Papers: 11 December 2008 (Thursday)Election Date: 29 December 2008 (Monday)
3RD UPAZILLA ELECTION 2009 SCHEDULE
Last Date of Submission of Nomination Papers: 13 December 2008 (Saturday)Dates of Scrutiny of Nomination Papers: 17,18 and 19 December 2008 (Wednesday,Thursday,Friday))Last Date of Withdrawal of Nomination Papers: 31 December 2008 (Wednesday)Election Date: 22 January 2009 (Thursday)
Speech of Election Chief Election Commissioner (3 nov 2008)
BANGLADESH ELECTION 2008 USEFUL INFORMATION
Number of Voter: 8,11,30,973 (As on 14 October 2008)
RESULT OF CITY CORPORATION ELECTION 2008
Khulna
Barisal
Rajshahi
Sylhet
Updated result on Khulna City Corporation Election 2008:Total Vote Center: 239
NO
Candidate Name
Mark
Vote
1
Talukdar Abdul Khaleque
Chair
157,812
2
Mohammad Moniruzzaman
Anaras
131,976
3
M.Firoz Ahmed
Chata
14,223
4
Md.Enayet Ali
Rikshaw
3,077
5
S.M.Moslem Uddin Ahmed
Doat Kolom
1,027
6
Shekh Taiebur Rahman
Mach
589
Updated result on Barishal City Corporation Election 2008:Total Vote Center: 91
NO
Candidate Name
Mark
Vote
1
Md.Shawkat Hossain
Television
46,796
2
Shordar Shorfuddin Ahmed
Chata
46,208
3
Md.Ahsan Habib Kamal
Deal Ghori
26,416
4
Md.Ebaidul Huq Chan
Jahaz
19,626
5
Md.Enayet Pir Khan
Mach
2,114
6
Abul Kalam Azad
Rickshaw
885
7
Syed Abdullah Shahid
Chair
807
8
Adv.Kabiruddin Hannu
Anaras
672
9
Md.Rafiqul Islam (Rasel)
Telephone
281
10
Adv.Md.Johurul Huq
Doat Kolom
148
Updated result on Rajshahi City Corporation Election 2008:Total Vote Center: 131
NO
Candidate Name
Mark
Vote
1
A.H.M.Khairuzzaman Liton
Tala
98,360
2
Md.Mossadek Hossain
Bagh
74,550
3
Md.Rezaunnabi (Dudu)
Cup Pirich
12,721
4
Md.Siddikur Rahman
Mach
9,406
5
Md.Masudul Huq (Dulu)
Rickshaw
5,404
6
Md.Durul Huda
Doat Kolom
1,789
7
Md.Raihanur Rahman
Anaras
1,457
8
Md.Abdul Matin Khan
Chaka
1,161
9
Nasir Ahammed
Chair
1,008
10
Akhtaruzzaman Bablu
Television
883
11
Md.Enamul Huq
Deal Ghori
841
12
Md.Ruhul Kuddus Tunu
Chata
404
13
Md.Abul Kalam Azad
Table
376
14
Md.Forman Ali
Hash
351
15
Md.Abdul Khaleque
Jahaz
299
Updated result on Sylhet City Corporation Election 2008:Total Vote Center: 120
NO
Candidate Name
Mark
Vote
1
Badruddin Ahmed (Kamran)
Anaras
115,436
2
A.F.M.Kamal
Television
32,097
3
Abdul Huq (M.A.Huq)
Mach
23,487
4
Baburul Hossain Babul
Rickshaw
3,692
5
Alhaz Ma.Md.Shirajul Islam
Doat Kolom
2,565
6
Md.Kunu Mia
Bagh
2,369
7
Abdul Mukit Khan
Chata
2,077
8
Abdus Samad Nazrul
Tala
947
9
Syed Muhibur Rahman
Chaka
944
10
Syed Ali Afsar
Table
848
11
Dr.Kazi Kamal Ahmad
Chair
730
12
Md.Salahuddin Romin
Deyal Ghori
470
13
Bashir Ahmed
Hash
396
14
Syed Habibur Rahman
Chawshma
354
15
M.Kutubuddin Ahmed
Cup Pirich
207** BGDPORTAL does not gurantee the information
9TH NATIONAL ELECTION 2008 SCHEDULE
Last Date of Submission of Nomination Papers: 30 November 2008 (Sunday)Dates of Scrutiny of Nomination Papers: 3 and 4 December 2008 (Wednesday & Thursday)Last Date of Withdrawal of Nomination Papers: 11 December 2008 (Thursday)Election Date: 29 December 2008 (Monday)
3RD UPAZILLA ELECTION 2009 SCHEDULE
Last Date of Submission of Nomination Papers: 13 December 2008 (Saturday)Dates of Scrutiny of Nomination Papers: 17,18 and 19 December 2008 (Wednesday,Thursday,Friday))Last Date of Withdrawal of Nomination Papers: 31 December 2008 (Wednesday)Election Date: 22 January 2009 (Thursday)
Speech of Election Chief Election Commissioner (3 nov 2008)
BANGLADESH ELECTION 2008 USEFUL INFORMATION
Number of Voter: 8,11,30,973 (As on 14 October 2008)
RESULT OF CITY CORPORATION ELECTION 2008
Khulna
Barisal
Rajshahi
Sylhet
Updated result on Khulna City Corporation Election 2008:Total Vote Center: 239
NO
Candidate Name
Mark
Vote
1
Talukdar Abdul Khaleque
Chair
157,812
2
Mohammad Moniruzzaman
Anaras
131,976
3
M.Firoz Ahmed
Chata
14,223
4
Md.Enayet Ali
Rikshaw
3,077
5
S.M.Moslem Uddin Ahmed
Doat Kolom
1,027
6
Shekh Taiebur Rahman
Mach
589
Updated result on Barishal City Corporation Election 2008:Total Vote Center: 91
NO
Candidate Name
Mark
Vote
1
Md.Shawkat Hossain
Television
46,796
2
Shordar Shorfuddin Ahmed
Chata
46,208
3
Md.Ahsan Habib Kamal
Deal Ghori
26,416
4
Md.Ebaidul Huq Chan
Jahaz
19,626
5
Md.Enayet Pir Khan
Mach
2,114
6
Abul Kalam Azad
Rickshaw
885
7
Syed Abdullah Shahid
Chair
807
8
Adv.Kabiruddin Hannu
Anaras
672
9
Md.Rafiqul Islam (Rasel)
Telephone
281
10
Adv.Md.Johurul Huq
Doat Kolom
148
Updated result on Rajshahi City Corporation Election 2008:Total Vote Center: 131
NO
Candidate Name
Mark
Vote
1
A.H.M.Khairuzzaman Liton
Tala
98,360
2
Md.Mossadek Hossain
Bagh
74,550
3
Md.Rezaunnabi (Dudu)
Cup Pirich
12,721
4
Md.Siddikur Rahman
Mach
9,406
5
Md.Masudul Huq (Dulu)
Rickshaw
5,404
6
Md.Durul Huda
Doat Kolom
1,789
7
Md.Raihanur Rahman
Anaras
1,457
8
Md.Abdul Matin Khan
Chaka
1,161
9
Nasir Ahammed
Chair
1,008
10
Akhtaruzzaman Bablu
Television
883
11
Md.Enamul Huq
Deal Ghori
841
12
Md.Ruhul Kuddus Tunu
Chata
404
13
Md.Abul Kalam Azad
Table
376
14
Md.Forman Ali
Hash
351
15
Md.Abdul Khaleque
Jahaz
299
Updated result on Sylhet City Corporation Election 2008:Total Vote Center: 120
NO
Candidate Name
Mark
Vote
1
Badruddin Ahmed (Kamran)
Anaras
115,436
2
A.F.M.Kamal
Television
32,097
3
Abdul Huq (M.A.Huq)
Mach
23,487
4
Baburul Hossain Babul
Rickshaw
3,692
5
Alhaz Ma.Md.Shirajul Islam
Doat Kolom
2,565
6
Md.Kunu Mia
Bagh
2,369
7
Abdul Mukit Khan
Chata
2,077
8
Abdus Samad Nazrul
Tala
947
9
Syed Muhibur Rahman
Chaka
944
10
Syed Ali Afsar
Table
848
11
Dr.Kazi Kamal Ahmad
Chair
730
12
Md.Salahuddin Romin
Deyal Ghori
470
13
Bashir Ahmed
Hash
396
14
Syed Habibur Rahman
Chawshma
354
15
M.Kutubuddin Ahmed
Cup Pirich
207** BGDPORTAL does not gurantee the information
dhaka dohar
বিস্তারিত মানচিত্র
বাংলা
নির্বাচনী এলাকার নাম:
ঢাকা-১
নির্বাচনী এলাকার নম্বর:
১৭৪
নির্বাচনী এলাকার বিস্তৃতি:
দোহার উপজেলানওয়াবগঞ্জ উপজেলার নিম্নলিখিত এলাকা:আগ্লাবক্সনগরবান্দুরাবার্রাবড়ুয়াখালীচুড়াইনগালিমপুরযাত্রাইলজয়কৃষ্ণপুরকৈলাইলকলাকোপানয়নশ্রীশিকারী পাড়াসুল্লা
বাংলা
নির্বাচনী এলাকার নাম:
ঢাকা-১
নির্বাচনী এলাকার নম্বর:
১৭৪
নির্বাচনী এলাকার বিস্তৃতি:
দোহার উপজেলানওয়াবগঞ্জ উপজেলার নিম্নলিখিত এলাকা:আগ্লাবক্সনগরবান্দুরাবার্রাবড়ুয়াখালীচুড়াইনগালিমপুরযাত্রাইলজয়কৃষ্ণপুরকৈলাইলকলাকোপানয়নশ্রীশিকারী পাড়াসুল্লা
election 2008
Addressing the inauguration ceremony on the Sreepur Pilot High School premises, Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) ATM Shamsul Huda and Chief of Army Staff General Moeen U Ahmed termed the project a milestone in the history of Bangladesh.
By starting the work, the EC has in fact set about a ‘historic journey’ towards a fully digital electoral roll, they observed.
“An electoral roll with photographs is needed to take the country a step forward by holding a free and fair election. We will have to do the job right in the greater national interests,” said CEC Huda.
Saying that the accuracy of the voter lists prepared in the past had often been questioned, he sought cooperation of the local people and political parties for successful completion of the project.
Army chief General Moeen noted that a flawless list with photographs is a prerequisite for the polls to be held in a free and fair manner.
He said the army has come forward with its manpower and equipment to help prepare the voter list in the interest of the country.
The main project will begin in August in the light of the experience to be gained from the pilot project, he added.
Election commissioners Sahul Hossain and Brigadier General (retired) M Sakhawat Hossain, GOC of the Nine Infantry Division Major General M Ashab Uddin and Military Secretary of the army headquarters Major General M Shafiqul Islam were present on the occasion.
Following the function, the CEC and the army chief visited the project site to inspect the work on voter list and national ID.
Under the three-week long test project, 30 registration centres have been set up in nine wards across Sreepur municipality and registration forms distributed among the households. Some 145 people have been assigned to gather information about the prospective voters. They will do the job from 8:00am to 7:00pm every day.
Local political leaders appreciated the EC move. “It’s a historic step. The voter list should be prepared with photographs,” former Awami League (AL) lawmaker Advocate Rahmat Ali told journalists.
Former president of Sreepur upazila BNP Abdul Motaleb said, “We all should take part in the project to complete it successfully.”
Shamima Akhter, who went to a registration centre to be on the roll, told reporters, “No one will be able to cast my vote as the list now has my photograph on it.”
Echoing the view, ZI Subed said, “Hopefully, fake voting will come down drastically once there is a voter list having photographs.”
By starting the work, the EC has in fact set about a ‘historic journey’ towards a fully digital electoral roll, they observed.
“An electoral roll with photographs is needed to take the country a step forward by holding a free and fair election. We will have to do the job right in the greater national interests,” said CEC Huda.
Saying that the accuracy of the voter lists prepared in the past had often been questioned, he sought cooperation of the local people and political parties for successful completion of the project.
Army chief General Moeen noted that a flawless list with photographs is a prerequisite for the polls to be held in a free and fair manner.
He said the army has come forward with its manpower and equipment to help prepare the voter list in the interest of the country.
The main project will begin in August in the light of the experience to be gained from the pilot project, he added.
Election commissioners Sahul Hossain and Brigadier General (retired) M Sakhawat Hossain, GOC of the Nine Infantry Division Major General M Ashab Uddin and Military Secretary of the army headquarters Major General M Shafiqul Islam were present on the occasion.
Following the function, the CEC and the army chief visited the project site to inspect the work on voter list and national ID.
Under the three-week long test project, 30 registration centres have been set up in nine wards across Sreepur municipality and registration forms distributed among the households. Some 145 people have been assigned to gather information about the prospective voters. They will do the job from 8:00am to 7:00pm every day.
Local political leaders appreciated the EC move. “It’s a historic step. The voter list should be prepared with photographs,” former Awami League (AL) lawmaker Advocate Rahmat Ali told journalists.
Former president of Sreepur upazila BNP Abdul Motaleb said, “We all should take part in the project to complete it successfully.”
Shamima Akhter, who went to a registration centre to be on the roll, told reporters, “No one will be able to cast my vote as the list now has my photograph on it.”
Echoing the view, ZI Subed said, “Hopefully, fake voting will come down drastically once there is a voter list having photographs.”
bangladesh election 2008
Today's Bangladesh News:
Hasina rolls out AL?s charter for change (local)
Country in deep crisis (local)
Poll symbol allocation in a shambles (local)
Fresh onslaught on Rampura Canal (local)
Pakistan turns screw on charity in question (local)
Record candidates vie for upazila posts (local)
BNP unveils electoral manifesto today (local)
4 constituencies miss candidates of 2 alliances (local)
World markets plunge as US auto bailout fails (local)
World leaders vow to strive for Green deal (local)
Latest Bangladesh Election News:
Hasina rolls out AL?s charter for change (local)
Poll symbol allocation in a shambles (local)
Record candidates vie for upazila posts (local)
BNP unveils electoral manifesto today (local)
World leaders vow to strive for Green deal (local)
Ershad?s see-saw game gets JP 48 seats from AL (local)
Emergency ceases on December 17 (local)
Hasina visits Sylhet shrines (local)
Dipjol held after 2yrs in hiding (local)
Falu stripped of division for hospital meet (local)
Hasina rolls out AL?s charter for change (local)
Country in deep crisis (local)
Poll symbol allocation in a shambles (local)
Fresh onslaught on Rampura Canal (local)
Pakistan turns screw on charity in question (local)
Record candidates vie for upazila posts (local)
BNP unveils electoral manifesto today (local)
4 constituencies miss candidates of 2 alliances (local)
World markets plunge as US auto bailout fails (local)
World leaders vow to strive for Green deal (local)
Latest Bangladesh Election News:
Hasina rolls out AL?s charter for change (local)
Poll symbol allocation in a shambles (local)
Record candidates vie for upazila posts (local)
BNP unveils electoral manifesto today (local)
World leaders vow to strive for Green deal (local)
Ershad?s see-saw game gets JP 48 seats from AL (local)
Emergency ceases on December 17 (local)
Hasina visits Sylhet shrines (local)
Dipjol held after 2yrs in hiding (local)
Falu stripped of division for hospital meet (local)
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